1786 Augustus v d Caab

Details
Name on Document:
Augustus v d Caab
Date:
1786-09-23
Document Type:
Sentence; Letters of passage
Primary Charge:
murder
Secondary Charge:
robbery; runaway
Summary

This case of a group of runaway slaves is particularly interesting for the insights it gives into the world of which Cape Town slaves formed a part by the late eighteenth century. The group obtained forged letters claiming to give their owner’s permission for them to travel into the interior, at first from a literate free black, and then from an unsuspecting young schoolboy. They also took along charms and obtained a talisman from a Muslim religious leader who had been exiled to the Cape from Batavia.1 They formed a close band, unified by their religious beliefs, swearing oaths of loyalty to each other and vowing to fight to the death. The bragging of one of them, and the qualms of another, unusually give a glimpse of the dynamics within such a band of runaways.

The band was aiming for the country of the Xhosa and managed to get as far as the Swellendam district, relying on food and shelter offered to them by unsuspecting colonists and Khoi,2 who were taken in by their possession of passes. Conflicts arose when they attempted to obtain possessions by force: in the case of the Khoi leading to their retaliation, in that of the colonists to a massacre on a Swellendam farm. Only then was the alarm raised and a group of Khoi sent to look for them.3

Footnotes

  1. Norman (or Nuruman) van Marantu was 69 years old, and stated in his examination that he had been at the Cape ‘zedert nu een langen tijd zonder te weeten hoe lang en om welke redenen’ (for a long time now without knowing how long and for what reasons). He denied having practised as a ‘priester van de mahomet’ (priest of Mahomet/Mohammed), being widely known as such and giving advice to people who came to his house (CJ 424, ff. 555-56, articles 1-6), but clearly this was the suspicion of the authorities. The case provides a rare indication of the impact of a mystical form of Islam among Cape slaves in the eighteenth century, which has been little explored by historians, the exception being Bradlow 1988 and some suggestions for the early nineteenth century in Mason 2002. Davids (1990: 43-4) suggests that this Nuruman played an important role in Muslim religious life in the first decade of the nineteenth century after his release from Robben Island, when he went under the name of Paaij Schaapie d’ oude, although if his age in these documents is correct, he would by then have been over 90 years old. For a brief comment on the case, see Ross 1983: 20-1.

  2. The case provides an unusual indication of how unknown slaves who were believed to be on legitimate business were given hospitality on settler farms. The band was doubtless able in this way to obtain local information about colonists who were likely to have cash in their homes, a blacksmith and a trader.

  3. The documentation in the case includes the eijscheijschLiterally ‘claim’ or ‘demand.’ This is strictly speaking the eijsch ende conclusie without the final part about sentencing, but the term is often used as a shorthand for the whole document., the original pass letters, a letter written in Bugis (f. 703) (described in the inventory of the case documentation as being ‘een Arrabische’ letter and in the sententie as being ‘in Malay letters’) which was the charm Saripa got from Damon and in which the powders were wrapped, as well as correspondence from the Swellendam landdrost, the interrogations of the six accused, testimonies from the ‘Hottentot Capitein’ Adam Prins, his son Piet Prins and also the Khoi Piet Kaalkop and Jan Paerl, the latter of whom was later to become a renowned Khoi prophet (Viljoen 1994), and a list of objects stolen by the accused, CJ 424, ff. 687-878. There is also the examination of Norman (CJ 424, ff. 555-60) and of Johannes Jacobus Fabritius (CJ 424, ff. 563-69), along with a covering report from the fiscal, dated 16 November 1786 (CJ 424, ff. 545-53).

CJ 424 Criminele Process Stukken, 1786, deel 2, ff. 699 & 701.
Translation Dutch

Allow these jongensjongensLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. to pass, named Aandries, Augus, Zalomon, Jonas, Welkomp, Loewies, Klaas the Hottentot, up to the Sundays river to David Koen to go and collect sheep and cattle.

The 28th of September, anno 1786.

[signed] Js. van der Poel

Allow these jongensjongensLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. to pass, named Aandries, Augus, Zalomon, Jonas, Welkomp, Loewies, Klaas the Hottentot, up to the Great Fish river to go and collect sheep and cattle.

The 28th of September, anno 1786.

[signed] Js. van der Poel

Laat deze jongen passeren genaampt Aandries Augus Zalomon Jonas Welkomp Loewies Klaas De Hottentot tot na Sondag revier na David Koen en B [sic] schaape en Bees te gaan haale.

Den 28 September

Ao 1786

[get.] Js. Van Der Poel.

Laat deze jongen passeren genaampt Aandries Augus Zalomon Jonas Welkomp Loewies Klaas De Hottentot tot nag tot na [sic] grootvisrievier om schaap en Bees te gaan haale.

Den 28 September

Ao 1786

[get.] Js. Van Der Poel.

include here photograph of the Bougies letter (CJ 424, pp. 703)

CJ 795 Sententiën, 1782-1789, ff. 376-406.
Translation Dutch

Since August van de Caab, bondsman of the burgher David Benjamin d’Aillij, 26 years old at a guess, Andries van Calkuta,1 slave of the dragoon Christiaan Velbron, 25 years old at a guess, Jonas van Batavia, bondsman of the burgher Willem van Reenen, 30 years old at a guess, Damon van Bougies, slave of the burgher Jochem Janeke, 28 years old at a guess, Saripa van Mandhaar, bondsman of the burgher Jan Bierman, 30 years old at a guess, Welkom van Ternate, slave of the widow of Daniel Beets, 27 years old at a guess, currently their honours’ prisoners, have voluntarily confessed and since, from the other documents produced in the case, it has appeared evident to the honourable Council of Justice:

That about a year ago now, when the first prisoner, August, together with the third prisoner Jonas and a certain slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. by the name of Maij, belonging to the burgher Johannes Engel, ran away from their owners for the first time they, for greater security in their fleeing, requested a certain free black, commonly known by the name of Valentijn van Dapoer, to write a permit or butcher’s letter2 for them, in order to thus get, in accordance with their planned scheme, far into the interior to the Caffers. So they agreed with the said Valentijn that he would provide such a letter to them, on the condition that they would not reveal it to anyone; as this letter was then also written by this Valentijn under the name of the burgher lieutenant, Jonas Albertus van der Poel,3 without, however, according to the confessions of the first and third prisoners, the said Valentijn having known what they were intending to do, while the same Valentijn received from them a copper watch.

That after they were provided with this letter, the first and third prisoners with the aforementioned Maij set out on their way and progressed to beyond the Gantouws [sic] River, when this letter got lost during the crossing of the river; as they were also some time thereafter, and indeed in the month of March of this year, taken prisoner by one Pieter le Roux and brought here under arrest; at which time the aforementioned Maij was sold by his said owner to one of the countrymen far into the interior.

Next, that in the month of September this year all six prisoners agreed with one another to run away again and to provide themselves with, instead of one, two letters so that, in the event of one of them becoming lost, they could still profit from the other. The first, second and third prisoners took the provision of these false passes upon them, to which end they again went to the aforementioned Valentijn van Dapoer, who this time refused to oblige them as before.

That since the first three prisoners found themselves frustrated in this design of theirs, they repaired to the house of the military captain residing here, Paul Paulsen, to request the youth living there, by the name of Johannes Jacobus Fabritius, to write a similar letter for them under the name of Jonas Albertus van der Poel, and to get this ready [for them]. But since this Fabritius was not at home but at school, he was called from school on two separate occasions by a meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ of the aforementioned Paulsen, by the name of Lena; and who, when he finally got home, and after the first three prisoners made their request, at first absolutely refused to write such a letter, yet on the repeated assurances of the prisoners that they were the slaves of Van der Poel and had lost their letters, and did not dare to go to their owner to ask for new ones, as well as the persuasion of the aforesaid woman slave, the said youth finally had himself persuaded to write these letters; the contents of which the first prisoner dictated to him, as he did not know what he had to write, while the second prisoner, with the agreement of the first and third prisoners, paid him two rixdollars in paper money for this, without the said Fabritius or anybody in the household of the aforementioned Paulsen, according to the confessions of all the prisoners, having known anything of the plot the prisoners had devised.4 So, this Fabritius, who could certainly, on account of his youth and ignorance, not have realised the dangerous consequences of this, was relieved from his detention, in accordance with a decision of the honourable Council of Justice, while those under whose care he is here were ordered to send him away from here at the first opportunity arising.

That in this way the prisoners had achieved their aim, as they needed at this time only to consider the means for their immediate desertion, as the first, second and third prisoners, after receiving these letters, then also went to the other prisoners and declared in joyous terms to them that they were now provided with double passes and were therefore ready.

Further, that the third prisoner, Jonas, also took along a small square lead disc, on which were written with a needle some letters, seemingly Malay, and which was provided to the third prisoner, according to his own confession, by the Mohammedan priest Norman, who was banished here from Batavia in the year 1770, without the third prisoner wanting to admit that this might be a charm through which they could remain safe from danger and pursuit, but saying only that he had got this small disc from Norman when he, the third prisoner, was still living with the burgher Elias Voberg, and that such discs are actually charms which protect one from being torn apart by wild animals, and nothing else, while the fourth prisoner says that it is a charm which protects the body, but according to others, that such a disc protects a person from all evil, including being taken prisoner during desertion.

That the third prisoner showed this disc to the fourth prisoner on their way, and that he, the fourth prisoner, [based] on the belief the third prisoner had in it, also put his faith in it. Now, since the said priest Norman, when he was examined before deputised members from the honourable Council of Justice, continued to deny all of the above, and since there was not sufficient evidence to convince them, the aforementioned Council therefore thought it fit, and decided, to provisionally banish the same priest Norman to Robben Island, until such time that further evidence regarding this would have come to hand; while the aforementioned Valentijn was also properly punished for writing the false letter and likewise confined to Robben Island.5

Moreover, that the third, fourth, fifth and sixth prisoners were each provided with a special kind of powder, without, however, their wanting to confess to what end this served, as the one says that it was a kind of incense with which to smoke the aforementioned small disc on Fridays, in order to keep the power of the charm; another that he had taken this along for his health, while the third says that this only served to protect them from any evil, without wanting to acknowledge either the power of the powders or the reason why these were taken along with them, while, notwithstanding this, the fifth prisoner Saripa had even added to the powders a kind of charm on a piece of paper, written upon with Malay characters, which the fifth prisoner says to have obtained from the fourth prisoner Damon, which was also admitted by the fourth prisoner.

That when the prisoners were thus provided with everything, even guns for murdering, which seemed serviceable to them in their damnable design, they finally, amongst other things, made a mutual alliance never to leave one another, but to die together, which alliance sworn by them here [i.e. at the Cape] was subsequently confirmed by them with the oath of loyalty as often as they could obtain wine on their way.

That on the 28th of September of this year, the prisoners went from here on their journey, [which is] when the place of their gathering was determined to be at Salt River or, as most of the prisoners put it, behind the Castle.

That since the second and sixth prisoners had gone from here half a day earlier and went some way towards the Dunes, or the so-called Cape Flats, the first, third, fourth and fifth prisoners did not find the second and sixth prisoners at the appointed place and so, instead of continuing their journey further, the prisoners were forced to search for one another until the second day when they again met one another in the vicinity of Salt River.

That thereupon the prisoners first went to the Dunes again where they, by means of a file and then with a machete, which had been taken from his owner by the sixth prisoner, took off the the chains which were riveted around the legs of the third prisoner.

That from there the prisoners went further to ’t Moddergat, the farm of the former heemraadheemraadThe origin of this word is uncertain, but is connected to the Dutch words heem (‘homestead’) and raad (‘councillor’). This was the title of a free burgher who served on the Collegie van Heemraden in the rural districts of the Cape, usually for a term of two years. of Stellenbosch, Jacobus Conterman, and after having stayed there and having bought bread and wine, they continued their journey to the cloofmaker6 beneath Hottentots Hollands kloof, where they refreshed for a while and thereafter passed through the kloof and arrived at a certain Christoffel Kock, living at Bot River, and from there to one Willem Wilkens at De Wolve Kraal, where, the third prisoner says, the second prisoner apparently sold two blue jackets belonging to the sixth prisoner for the price of ten schellingen each, and for which the prisoners again bought two large loaves of bread and two bottles of wine.

That the prisoners continued to a certain Barend Gildenhuijzen where they bought further, from the remainder of their money, two loaves of bread and a bottle of wine, while they went from there to one Christiaan Koen, who lives at the Kwartel River, and further on to the widow of Hans Jurgen Linde, where the prisoners slept for one night, from there to the Storm Valleij7 to one Gerrit Kemp, where they bought two bottles of brandy and half a loaf of bread; after which the prisoners continued their journey further to the Nieuwe Clooff until they arrived at a Hottentot kraalkraalBoth this word and the English ‘corral’ derive from Portuguese curral, meaning an enclosed area for keeping livestock. However, in South Africa a related meaning developed, right from the founding of the Cape colony, namely as a settlement of indigenous people, at first specifically the Khoikhoi but later also other indigenous peoples. and stayed there for two days and two nights when the sixth prisoner stole some money and the fourth prisoner some clothes from these Hottentots; whereupon the said Hottentots, when the prisoners had departed from them for about a day, chased and captured them but, upon returning the stolen goods, and since the prisoners were provided with permits, they let them free again and allowed them to go on their way.

That the prisoners had by then already proceeded to one widow Van Eede, down at the Breede River, whereafter they went through the Karnmelks River to the farm of a certain Jan van Reenen, where they passed the Donau River, and on to the farm of one Pieter du Pree, situated in the vicinity of the Kafferskuijls River;8 while the second prisoner also confessed, which was confirmed as well by the third and sixth prisoners, that when they passed the place of a certain blacksmith, who lived in a small house along this road and maintained himself by selling blacksmith’s or wagonmaker’s work to passers-by, the third prisoner proposed that since this man lived alone there with a couple of slaves and was provided with some money, they should murder him and steal everything, as the second, third and sixth prisoners then also repaired to this place with the intention to murder and rob, yet when they arrived at the place of this blacksmith and found nobody there, as the place had been deserted, they returned from there to their other comrades without having achieved their object.

That finally, on the report of the third prisoner Jonas, namely that the burgher Sebastian Rotman9 was a trader and had many goods and cash, the prisoners set their course to the farm of the aforementioned Rotman and, when they reached it on 21 October of this year, they mutually agreed to remain close to the farm that night so that they could then put into action their planned murder and robbery at that place.

However, that on the manifold and continual objections of the second prisoner, Andries, against remaining in the veld, but rather to take up residence in the house that very night, the prisoners at last agreed amongst themselves to go there, as indeed they also arrived there by the fall of night and showed, on the request of the knechtknechtLiterally ‘male servant,’ but because most European knechten at the Cape were used as slave overseers, this original meaning gradually eroded and the word ended up meaning primarily (as in modern Afrikaans), ‘farm foreman.’ on that farm, by the name Kramer, their permits or passes.

That while her husband was not at home, the wife of the aforementioned Rotman,10 under the impression that the prisoners, in accordance with their letters, were truly jongensjongensLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. of the butcher Van der Poel, and fearing no evil, supplied the prisoners with proper food and drink, and moreover provided them with a good sleeping place. By then the second prisoner, Andries, had already asked the jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. of the house, by the name of Hector van de Caab, how many Europeans, slaves and Hottentots were there to be found in the house, and upon receiving the answer and report, he went outside with the sixth prisoner, Welkom, apparently in order to confer with him over the one and the other.

That with their return into the house, the second and sixth prisoners further agreed with the other prisoners to send the first prisoner, since they were lodged in the kitchen, inside the house in order to espy the situation in the house, which was refused by the first prisoner, who added: “There are few people here, now is the time if we want to start something”.

That thereafter the prisoners further decided amongst themselves to remain awake, instead of going to sleep, until the whole household would have fallen asleep, which was also done by them, until they got up at about ten or eleven o’clock to put into action their atrocious plan, with the four last prisoners saying that they were spurred on to it by the first two prisoners who said: “Now is the time”.

That thereupon the prisoners all got up together, while each one took up his separate post, with the first prisoner at the back door, to keep watch so that nobody would flee outside, and the second prisoner at the front door and the window of the room in which the woman was, so that he could prevent her from going out.

Next, that the fourth prisoner first went to the knechtknechtLiterally ‘male servant,’ but because most European knechten at the Cape were used as slave overseers, this original meaning gradually eroded and the word ended up meaning primarily (as in modern Afrikaans), ‘farm foreman.’ or tailor Kramer and after stabbing him twice in the stomach, he went to the two meijdenmeijdenLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ who slept in the galderijgalderijNot a ‘gallery,’ but usually a family room behind the public front rooms of a house where families ate together or where domestic chores were performed. In some earlier Cape houses it referred to a passageway or linking area between the front room and the kitchen area. and after having taken the life of the first with one stab, he wounded the second one with several stabs and, according to what the sixth prisoner tells, when this meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ did not die at once, he went to sit on top of her and, while stabbing continually at her, also used these profane terms: “God damn it, how long does this meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ not live, I can’t get her to die”.

That when the woman, upon hearing the noise, wanted to save herself by fleeing through the window with one of her children, the second prisoner, who was armed with a kirrijkirrijThis is the Cape Khoi word for the walking stick traditional Khoikhoi carried with them and used as weapons. In the course of the eighteenth century, the word was adopted by Dutch-speaking colonists to refer to a walking stick, also where it was used as an instrument of punishment. and a knife, gave her such a blow with the kirrijkirrijThis is the Cape Khoi word for the walking stick traditional Khoikhoi carried with them and used as weapons. In the course of the eighteenth century, the word was adopted by Dutch-speaking colonists to refer to a walking stick, also where it was used as an instrument of punishment. that she, who had already climbed onto the window sill, fell from there onto the ground.

That when the fifth and sixth prisoners had hacked open the door of the room in which this woman was, and the third prisoner had stepped inside, he, on the pointing out of the fourth prisoner that a meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’, who had meanwhile taken hold of the suckling child and another little girl, was lying with these two children under the bedstead, went to this meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ and gave her some stabs with a kris which he had obtained from the fourth prisoner.

That since this meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ only screamed once and thereafter kept still, the third prisoner supposed that she was dead, while in fact this meijdmeijdLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ only got wounded in her legs, the little girl escaped with a light wound on her head and the suckling child remained totally unhurt.

That according to the confessions of the fifth and sixth prisoners, the fourth prisoner also robbed of its life a child who had been with its mother in the room.

That after the fifth prisoner, Saripa, caused the death of the slave Hector van de Caab, who had been lying asleep in the kitchen, with two wounds, he went inside and, with the help of the sixth prisoner, hacked open the door of the room, in which the woman was, with an axe or machete, stepped into the room and split into two the head of the child the mother was holding in her arms, whereafter he also beat the woman with the kirrijkirrijThis is the Cape Khoi word for the walking stick traditional Khoikhoi carried with them and used as weapons. In the course of the eighteenth century, the word was adopted by Dutch-speaking colonists to refer to a walking stick, also where it was used as an instrument of punishment. in such a way that he thought that she would likewise give up the ghost as a result of it.

Further, that the sixth prisoner, as aforementioned, hacked opened with the fifth prisoner the door of the room in which the woman had been, that he then broke open all the wardrobes and chests with the aid of the machete he had taken with him when he ran away from his owner, and took, along with all the other prisoners, as many goods as they could carry, with the prisoners being unable to properly specify what had in fact been stolen by them.

That the other prisoners unanimously accused the sixth prisoner that – even though they had not seen this, but which had been told them by the sixth prisoner when, after they had perpetrated the aforementioned abominable murders and had departed from this farm, they were swapping stories on the way amongst one another about the atrocities they had committed, as if being some kind of heroic feat – he had also given the knechtknechtLiterally ‘male servant,’ but because most European knechten at the Cape were used as slave overseers, this original meaning gradually eroded and the word ended up meaning primarily (as in modern Afrikaans), ‘farm foreman.’ Kramer a stab, that the knife had remained sticking in his stomach, and that in addition to this, he had wounded one of the meijdenmeijdenLiterally ‘girl.’ This word developed among the same lines as jongen, the word coming to mean ‘female slave.’ However, its trajectory diverged from that of jongen in that it eventually was used more widely to refer to indigenous women, so that meid still survives in modern Afrikaans as a pejorative term for women of colour. As with jongen, the word was no longer available to refer to European girls, but instead of the difference between girl and daughter disappearing, the diminutive form, meijsje (Afrikaans, meisie), came to be used for ‘girl.’ in such a way in her stomach that (by your leave) the shit had come from her stomach, which is, however, denied by the sixth prisoner, under the pretext that he only said this in order not to stand ashamed before his comrades and so that he would not be accused of cowardice by them, adding nonetheless to this that, as regards the knechtknechtLiterally ‘male servant,’ but because most European knechten at the Cape were used as slave overseers, this original meaning gradually eroded and the word ended up meaning primarily (as in modern Afrikaans), ‘farm foreman.’ Kramer, in case this knechtknechtLiterally ‘male servant,’ but because most European knechten at the Cape were used as slave overseers, this original meaning gradually eroded and the word ended up meaning primarily (as in modern Afrikaans), ‘farm foreman.’ might prove to have three wounds, he could then perhaps have received one from him, the sixth prisoner.

That after they had executed these execrable murders and had provided themselves with everything they thought fit, the prisoners set out from there, at about twelve or one o’clock at night, to here and postponed their plan to go to the land of the Caffers until they had sold here all of the goods that they had stolen, and agreed with one another to then continue the journey they had started thither.

That next, on the following day, when the prisoners sighted a wagon or two, the second prisoner Andries again proposed that they should also attack and plunder this wagon, which was refused by the other prisoners, saying: “The one sin has just been finished, and you already want to start another?”, through which this was then prevented.

That, finally, some days after the perpetration of the murders, the prisoners went at night to the farm of one Hendrik Hop, situated at the Karnmelks River, in order to steal some sheep from there, while the third prisoner remained at their hiding place as watchdog over the goods they had stolen from the farm of Rotman, since he had a sore leg.

That when the fifth prisoner was provided with a sheep, and wanted to set out on the way to their hiding place, he, because of the darkness, wandered from his comrades, so that when day broke, he was forced, since he was still close to the farm of the aforementioned Hop, to go to the said farm where he was then taken prisoner, in spite of the fact that he pretended to be a butcher’s jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. and to have strayed from his comrades.

Moreover, that the Hottentot Captain Adam Prins, who was on that farm and had already received the order to go out after the prisoners,11 went this very day on commando with his subordinate men, and upon passing the sheep corral of the aforementioned Hop, discovered as result of the wetness and muddiness that there had been strange people there that night, and followed these traces until he had been busy doing this for about half an hour, when he disovered the prisoners in the undergrowth around the Karnmelks River who, as soon as they noticed the Hottentots, instantly drew up a defence array, with one of them saying: “Now it is time, we must defend ourselves now”, however, in spite of this, the prisoners were finally apprehended, after which they were taken to Swellendam, and finally delivered here into the hands of justice.

Now since such a wanton flight, accompanied with atrocious murders and violent thefts, can under no circumstances remain unpunished in a country where law and justice are properly upheld, but ought, on the contrary, as an example and deterrent to other similar murderous rogues, as well as for the safeguard and security of the good inhabitants who live so thinly scattered in the far-away districts and their possessions, to be punished rigorously.

Thus it is, that the honourable Council of Justice, aforementioned, serving today, having read and considered with all due attention the written crimineelen eijsch ende conclusiecrimineelen eijsch ende conclusieLiterally ‘criminal demand and conclusion.’ The document drawn up by the prosecutor based on the evidence he collected and delivered in court against an accused. The conclusie is the final part of the document in which the prosecutor suggested an appropriate punishment for the crime., drawn up and delivered for and against the prisoners by the landdrost of the district of Swellendam, the honourable Constant van Nuld Onkruijd, in his official capacity, as well as having noted the prisoners’ voluntary confessions, further everything that served the case and could have moved their honours, practising justice in the name and on behalf of the high and mighty Lords States General of the United Netherlands, and having judged all the prisoners, their honours are sentencing them with this: to be taken to the place where criminal sentences are usually executed here, there to be handed over to the executioner, each to be stripped naked and to be tied to a cross, when pieces of flesh are to be pinched from the fleshy parts of their bodies at eight different places with red-hot pincers, further to be broken alive from the bottom up, without the coup de grâce, and to remain lying thus until they would have given up the ghost; moreover, the dead bodies to be dragged to the outer place of execution, there to be put onto wheels and their heads onto stakes, to remain thus until being consumed by the air and birds of heaven, with sentencing all the prisoners to the costs and expenditure of justice, and denying the further or otherwise drawn-up eijscheijschLiterally ‘claim’ or ‘demand.’ This is strictly speaking the eijsch ende conclusie without the final part about sentencing, but the term is often used as a shorthand for the whole document. and delivered conclusie of the Officer12.

Thus done and sentenced at the Cape of Good Hope on the 23rd of the month November 1786; as also pronounced in the Castle of Good Hope on the 2nd of the thereupon month December, and also executed on the same day.

Let the execution be done, [signed] C.J. van de Graaff.

[signed] P. Hacker, J. Rhenius, S. v. Echten, Johs. Smuts, J.M. Horak, As. van Sittert, W.F. v. Reede van Oudtshoorn, J.M. Bletterman, C.L. Neethling, C.G. Maasdorp, Cl. Matthiessen, G.H. Meijer, O.G. de Wet.

In my presence, [signed] C. van Aersen, secretary.

Footnotes

  1. This is an unusually precise toponym for a slave from Bengal. It may be that Andries had been obtained from British traders in their Calcutta settlement.

  2. By law, whenever slaves were transporting goods or travelling on their own, they had to carry a so-called ‘permission letter’ from their owner stating that they were doing this with their permission, Kaapse Plakkaatboek II: 10-11 (1709) and III: 30-1 (1760) (the latter was a re-issuing of the former and was the direct result of the Smuts family murders, see 1760 Achilles van de West Cust et al.). These letters always stated that the slave must be allowed to passeren and were hence also called passeerbriefjes and eventually simply pas (Franken 1953: 106-7, which includes a transcript of another such letter). This was, however, not a South African invention, as the same practice was also in place in Dutch Batavia, where the Chinese population even had to pay for their passes and had to carry them at all times (see, for example, Van der Chijs 1886: 251-52).

  3. Usually only the contracted butchers (meat pachters) were allowed to trade in meat, in addition to providing the Company and passing ships, but during the 1780s private butchers were also permitted to serve the local market (Wagenaar 1976: 83-4 and 97-8). Van der Poel is known to have been amongst the latter in 1786 (Leibbrandt 1905: 155). These butchers often sent their agents into the interior to trade stock, hence these slaves’ ability to pass themselves off as servants of a butcher.

  4. The two letters (with very similar texts) Fabritius wrote have survived, CJ 424, ff. 699-700 and 701-2 and are reproduced here as examples of padbriefjes. The 12-year-old Fabritius was born in Semarang (Java) and was living at the Cape with his uncle, Paul Paulsen (CJ 424, ff. 563-64). The letters were written in a very phonetic spelling, riddled with spelling mistakes.

  5. Valentijn van Dapoer was sentenced to be bound to a pole next to the town pump from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m. with a paper on his chest reading ‘Falsaris’ (forger) and then to be sent to Robben Island for five years, CJ 68, ff. 192-93.

  6. This person was appointed at the end of the eighteenth century to supervise the improvement of the pass road to the Overberg (Sleigh 1993: 538).

  7. Present-day Stormsvlei, halfway between Riviersonderend and Swellendam.

  8. This is most probably what is now called the Vet River, south of modern-day Riversdal.

  9. Sebastian Rothmann arrived at the Cape in 1774 and worked as postholder at Rivier Zonder Eijnde until 1779 when he became a burgher. After practising as a tailor, he bought the farm Honingklip in the Swellendam district where this tragedy befell his family. He remarried at the end of 1787 and in 1791-2 held the pachtpachtLiterally ‘lease.’ The VOC at the Cape had a system whereby the right to retail certain profitable goods (mostly alcohol and meat) was sold regularly. A pacht was therefore in effect a monopoly. for Cape wines. On him, see Hoge 1946: 347. The moving letter in which he reports his discovery of the carnage on his farm is preserved in CJ 424, ff. 675-77.

  10. The Cape-born Maria Elisabeth Rogge.

  11. The Khoi Prins and his men were probably being used as trackers. See 1775 Maart van Bencoule for a similar example.

  12. These sentences, perhaps the most punitive that the Council of Justice could deliver, were recorded in the regtsrollenregtsrollenLiterally ‘rolls of justice’, the minutes of the proceedings of the Council of Justice. CJ 68, ff. 190-92. August van de Caab and Welkom van Ternate stated that they had not been guilty of murder, but this clearly made no impression on the court.

Alzoo August van de Caab, lijfeigene van den burger David Benjamin d’Aillij, oud na gissing 26 jaaren, Andries van Calkuta, slaaf van den dragonder Christiaan Velbron, oud na gissing 25 jaaren, Jonas van Batavia, lijfeijgen van den burger Willem van Reenen, oud na gissing 30 jaaren, Damon van Bougies, slaaf van den burger Jochem Janeke, oud na gissing 28 jaaren, Saripa van Mandhaar, lijfeijgen van den burger Jan Bierman, oud na gissing 30 jaaren, Welkom van Ternate, slaaf van de weduwe Daniel Beets, oud na gissing 27 jaaren; thans ’s heeren gevangens, vrijwillig beleeden hebben en ’t den edelachtbare Raade van Justitie, uijt de verdere ten processe gefourneerde stucken, evident gebleeken is:

Dat den 1e gevangen August, beneevens den 3e gevangen Jonas en zeekere slaven jongen, in naame Maij, toebehoorende den burger Johannes Engel, voor nu omtrend een jaar van hunne lijfheeren voor de eerste rheijze opgedrost zijnde geweest, alstoen, ter meerdere seekerheijd hunne aufugie, van zeekeren vrijswart, door de wandeling genaamd Valentijn van Dapoer, hebben verzogt gehad om een gelij- of slagters-briefje1 voor hun te willen maken, ten eijnde door dien weg, volgens hun gemaakt project, verre landwaarts in bij de Caffers te geraaken; zijnde zijlieden met gemelde Valentijn dan ook overeengekoomen dat hij zodanig een briefje aan hunlieden zoude bezorgen, onder deese conditien dat zijlieden zulx aan niemand zouden openbaaren; gelijk dan dat briefje ook door die Valentijn is geschreeven op den naam van den burger luijtenant Jonas Albertus van der Poel, zonder dat echter, volgens bekentenis van hun 1e en 3e gevangens gemelde Valentijn zoude geweeten hebbe wat zijlieden van meening waren te doen, terwijl dezelve Valentjin daarvoor van hun ontfangen heeft een koper horologie.

Dat na dat zijlieden van dat briefje waren voorzien, zijlieden 1e en 3e gevangens met eevengemelde Maij hun op weg hebben begeeven en gevordert zijn tot over de Gantouws [sic] Rivier, wanneer dat briefje, in ’t overgaan dier rivier, was weggeraakt; gelijk zijlieden dan ook eenige tijd daarna, en wel in de maand Maart deeses jaars, door eenen Pieter le Roux gevangen genoomen en in hegtenis alhier zijn overgebragt geworden; zijnde alstoen de voormelde Maij door zijnen bovengemelde lijfheer aan een der buijtenlieden verre landwaards in verkogt geworden.

Dat alle ses de gevangens vervolgens, in de maand September laatstleeden, onder elkander afgesprooken hebbende om wederom op te drossen en zig in steede van met een, met twee briefjes te voorzien, ten eijnde, ingevalle er een mog te verlooren raaken, zich van het andere te kunnen bedienen; de 1e, 2e en 3e gevangens August, Andries en Jonas de bezorging der valsche passen op zich genoomen hebben, ten welken fine zij zich wederom na dikwils gemelde Valentijn van Dapoer hebben begeev [sic], dewelke alstoen heeft geweijgerd hun wederom als voorheen te gerieven.

Dat de drie eerste gevangens zich in dit hun voorneemen gefrustreerd zienden, hun begeeven hebben ten huijzen van den hier remoreerenden capitain militair, Paul Paulsen, om den aldaar woonende jongeling, in naame Johannes Jacobus Fabritius, aan te zoeken om een dergelijk briefje, op den naam van eevengemelde Jonas Albertus van der Poel, voor hun te schrijven en in gereedheijd te brengen. Dan dewijl gemelde Fabritius niet te huijs maar in ’t school was, en dezelve door een meijd van voornoemde Paulsen, in naame Lena, tot twee differente reijsen vanuijt het school was geroepen, dezelve eijndelijk t’ huijs gekoomen was en, na gedaane aanzoek der drie eerste gevangens, in ’t eerst volstrekt geweijgert had dusdanig een briefje te schrijven dog, op de herhaalde verzeekering den gevangens dat zij slaven van Van der Poel waren, hunne briefjes verlooren hadden, en bij hunner lijfheer niet dorsten koomen om andere te vragen, mitsgaders op de persuasie van voorseijde slavin, zoo had gemelde jongeling zig eijndelijk laten overhalen om de briefjes te schrijven, welkers inhoud de 1e gevangen hem, vermids hij niet wist wat hij schrijven moest, heeft voorgezegd, terwijl den 2e gevangen, met genoegen der 1e en 3e gevangens, hem daarvoor heeft betaald twee rijxdaalders aan papiere munt, zonder dat, volgens de confessie van alle de gevangens, gemelde Fabritius of iemand in ’t huijsgezin van dickwijls gemelde Paulsen van hun gevangens gesmeed project iets hebben geweeten. Zijnde deese Fabritius echter, die zeekerlijk uijt hoofde zijner jong- en onnoselheijd de gevaarlijke gevolgen daarvan niet heeft kunnen inzien, volgens besluijt van den edelacthbaren Raad van Justitie uijt zijne detentie ontslagen, en diegeene onder wiens opzicht hij hier staat aangezegt denzelven bij eerst voorkoomende geleegenheijd van hier te verzenden.

Dat zij gevangens dus hun oogmerk hierin bereikt hebbende, alstoen maar op middelen bedagt geweest zijn tot de dadelijke opdrossing, gelijk zij 1e, 2e en 3e gevangens, na ’t ontfangen dier briefjes, dan ook zijn gegaan bij de overige gevangens en, in verheugde termen, aan hun gedeclareerd hebben dat zij nu van dubbelde passen voorzien en dus klaar waren.

Dat voorts de 3e gevangen Jonas meede genoomen heeft een kleijn vierkant lootje, waarop met een speld eenige letteren, schijnende Maleits te zijn, geschreeven waren en dat hem 3e gevangen, volgens zijne eijgene bekentenis, door den, in den jaare 1770 van Batavia na herwaards gerelegeerden, Mahometaanschen priester, in naame Norman, is bezorgd geworden, zonder dat hij 3e gevangen heeft willen weeten dat zulx eene besweering zoude zijn waardoor zijlieden bewaard konden blijven voor onheijlen en nasporing, maar alleen zegt dat hij dat lootje van Norman gekreegen heeft toen hij 3e gevangen nog bij de burger Elias Voberg woonde, en dat diergelijk lootje eijgenlijk eene besweering is om niet van het wild gedierte verscheurd te worden, en anders niets, terwijl de 4e gevangen zegt dat dit een beswering is om ’t lighaam te bewaren en dat, volgens zeggen van anderen, zodanig een lootje den mensch voor alle onheijlen bewaard, ook voor ’t gevangen neemen bij opdrossing.

Dat de derde gevangen dit lootje op weg aan dien 4e gevangen vertoond hebbende, hij 4e gevangen, op de verseekering die de 3e gevangen daarvan had, meede daaraan heeft geloof geslagen. Dan, nadien gemelde Priester Norman, wanneer hij voor heeren gecommitteerde leeden uijt den edelachtbaren Raade van Justitie is verhoord geworden, dit voorenstaande alles is blijven negeeren, en er geene genoegsaame preuves waren om denzelven te kunnen overtuijgen, zoo heeft welgemelde Raade goed gevonden en beslooten denzelven Priester Norman provisioneel te relegeeren op ’t Robben Eijlande, tot tijd en wijlen hier omtrend nadere bewijsen zullen zijn aan handen gekoomen, terwijl voormelde Valentijn, over het schrijven van het valsche briefje, almeede na behooren gepunieerd geworden en voorts ten Robben Eijlande geconfineerd is.

Dat wijders de 3e, 4e, 5e en 6e gevangens alle van een bijsonder soort van poeders zijn voorzien geweest, zonder dat zijlieden echter regt hebben willen bekennen tot wat eijnde dezelve dienden, als zeggende de een dat zulks is geweest een zoort van wierook, om het boovengemelde lootje des Vrijdags te berooken, ten eijnde de beswering van kragt te doen blijven; een ander zulx meede te hebben genoomen voor zijne gezondheijd; een derde wederom, dat zulx alleen dienstig is om hun voor alle kwaad te behoeden, zonder echter in ’t minst te willen weeten zoo van de kragt van de poeders als van ’t oogmerk waarom dezelve door hun zijn meede genoomen, terwijl desniettegenstaande de 5e gevangen Saripa nog bij de poeders een zoort van besweering gevoegd heeft gehad, op een stuk papier met Maleitsche characters beschreeven, dat hij 5e gevangen zegt van den 4e gevangen Damon ’t te hebben gekreegen, hetgeent ook door gemelde 4e gevangen is g’advoueerd geworden.

Dat de gevangens, wanneer zijlieden dus van alles, ’tgeen hun toescheen tot hun vloekwaardig voorneemen bevorderlijk te zullen zijn, voorsien waren, tot zelfs van moordgeweeren, zig eindelijk onder den anderen nog onderling hebben verbonden om elkanderen nimmer te verlaten, maar met den ander te zullen sterven; welke verbintenis alhier onder hem geslooten, nog nader met den eed van trouwen door hun is bevestigd geworden zoo dikwerf zij maar wijn op weg konden bekoomen.

Dat zij gevangens op den 28 September jongstleeden van herwaards op reijs zijnde gegaan, alstoen de plaats hunner bijeenkomst hebben bepaald aan de Zoute Rivier, of, zoo als de meeste gevangens zeggen, agter het Casteel.

Dat de 2e en 6e gevangens een halve dag tevooren van hier gegaan zijnde en zich een weijnig na de Duijnen of zoogenaamde Caabsche Vlakte begeeven hebbende, en dus de 1e, 3e, 4e en 5e gevangens de 2e en 6e gevangens op de bestemde plaats niet hebbende aangetroffen, zij gevangens, in steede van hunne route verder te neemen, genoodsaakt geweest zijn, om na elkanderen te zoeken, tot op den tweeden dag, wanneer zij malkanderen weder omstreex de Zoute Rivier hebben aangetroffen.

Dat daarop de gevangens zich eerst weder na de duijnen hebbende begeeven, aldaar, door middel van een veijl en vervolgens met een hakmes, dat door den 6e gevangen van zijne lijfvrouw was meede genoomen, de eijsers, die om de beenen van den 3e gevangen geklonken waren, hebben afgeslagen.

Dat zij gevangens weijders van daar zijnde gegaan na ’t Moddergat, bij den oud heemraad van Stellenbosch, Jacobus Conterman, na aldaar een weijnig vertoefd en brood en wijn gekogt te hebben, hunnen togt hebben vervolgt tot naar den cloofmaker onder Hottentots Hollands cloof, alwaar zij zich meede een weijnig ververscht hebben, en vervolgens gepasseerd zijn over de cloof, en aangekoomen bij zeekeren Christoffel Kock, woonende aan de Botrivier, vandaar bij eenen Willem Wilkens aan de Wolve Kraal, alwaar de derde gevangen zegt dat de 2e gevangen zoude verkogt hebben twee blauwe baatjes, den 6e gevangen toebehoorende, voor de somma van thien schellingen ieder, en waarvoor zij gevangens weder gekogt hebben, twee groote brooden en twee flessen wijn.

Dat zij gevangens voortgegaan zijnde tot bij zeekeren Barend Gildenhuijzen, aldaar meede nog, van ’t restand hunner penningen, gekogt hebben twee broodens en een fles wijn, terwijl zij gevangens van daar zijn gegaan na eenen Christiaan Koen, woonende aan de Kwartel Rivier, wijders na de weduwe Hans Jurgen Linde, daar zij gevangens een nagt geslapen hebben, van daar na de Storm Valleij bij eenen Gerrit Kemp, alwaar zijlieden twee boddels brandewijn en een half brood gekogt hebben, waarna zij gevangens hunne route verder hebben genoomen door de Nieuwe Clooff, totdat zij gevangens bij een Hottentots craal zijn gekoomen en daar twee dagen en twee nagten vertoefd hebben; zijnde alstoen door de 6e gevangen eenig geld, en door den 4e gevangen eenige kleederen, van die Hottentotten gestoolen geworden, waarop gemelde Hottentotten de gevangens, wanneer dezelve omtrend een dag van hunlieden vertrocken waren, achtervolg en gevangen genoomen dog, op de teruggaave van ’t gestoolene, vermits zij gevangens van padbriefjes voorzien waren, wederom losgelaten en huns weegs hebben doen gaan.

Dat de gevangens zich toen al wijders hebben begeeven bij eene weduwe Van Eede, onder aan de Breeden Rivier, vervolgens door de Karnmelks Rivier na de plaats van zeekeren Jan van Reenen, van daar de rivier den Donau gepasseert zijnde, na de plaats van eenen Pieter du Pree, geleegen omtrend de Kafferkuijls Rivier, terwijl de 2e gevangen nog bekend heeft, hetgeen door den 3e en 6e gevangens meede zijn g’advoueerd, dat den 3e gevangen in ’t voorbijgaan van de plaats van zeekere, op die route gewoond hebbende, smit, die zich met aan de gaande en koomende man smits- of wagenmakerswerk te verkoopen, in een kleijn huijse aan den weg geleegen, erneerd had, heeft geproponeerd, vermits die man daar alleen met een paar slaven woonden, en van eenig geld voorzien was, te vermoorden en van alles te berooven; gelijk dan ook de 2e, 3e en 6e gevangens hun na die plaats hebben begeeven, met intentie om te moorden en te rooven, edoch wanneer zijlieden ter plaatze van dien smit gekoomen waaren en daar niemand, vermits de plaats verlaten gevonden hadde, zijn zij van daar onverrigter zake na hunne overige makkers terug gekeerd.

Dat de gevangens eijndelijk, op ’t rapport van den 3e gevangen Jonas, namentlijk dat de burger Sebastiaan Rotman een negotiant was en veele goederen en contanten hadde, hunne route na de plaats van eevengemelde Rotman hebbende ingericht en dezelve op den 21e October jongstleeden genadert zijnde, onderling afspraak genoomen hebben om dien nacht digt bij die plaats te blijven, ten eijnde alsdan hun geprojecteerde moord en rooff aldaar ten uijtvoer te brengen.

Dat echter op de menigvuldige en aanhoudende remonstrantiën van den 2e gevangen Andries om niet in ’t veld te blijven, maar liever dienzelven avond daar in huijs hun intrek te neemen, zij gevangens dan eijndelijk onder hunlieden besloten hebben om daar ter plaatze te gaan; gelijk zij gevangens daar dan ook tegens het vallen van den avond gekoomen zijn en, op de afvrage van den knegt, die zich daar ter plaatze bevond, in naame Kramer, hunne geleijbriefjes of passen hebben vertoond gehad.

Dat de vrouw van eevengemelde Rotman, terwijl haar man niet t’ huijs was, in die suppositie dat de gevangens, ingevolge hunne briefjes, werkelijk jongens van den slagter Van der Poel waren en geenes kwaads bedugt, de gevangens van behoorlijke spijs en drank voorzien, mitsgaders aan hun een goede slaapplaats bezorgd hebbende; de tweede gevangen Andries toen reeds aan de jonge van ’t huijs, in naame Hector van de Caab, gevraagd heeft: Hoe veele Europeesen, slaven en Hottentotten zich wel daar in huijs bevonden, en op het bekomen antwoord en bericht, met den 6e gevangen Welkom na buijten is gegaan ten eijnde, apparentelijk, om over ’t een en ander te raadpleegen.

Dat voorts de 2e en 6e gevangens, bij hunne terugkomst in huijs, met de overige gevangens verder hebbende afgesprooken om den 1e gevangen, vermids zij gevangens in de combuijs gelogeert waren, na binnen te zenden, ten eijnde de geleegentheijd van ’t huijs te verspieden, zulx door hem 1e gevangen is geweijgerd geworden, met bijvoeging: Hier zijn weijnig menschen, het is nu tijd als wij iets willen beginnen.

Dat vervolgens onder hun gevangens verder beraadslaagd zijnde om, in steede van te gaan slapen, wakker te blijven totdat het geheele huijsgezin zoude in slaap geraakt zijn; zulx ook door hun gedaan is totdat zij gevangens, de klocke omtrend thien à elf uuren, opgestaan zijn om hun gruwelijk voorneemen ten uijtvoer te brengen, zeggende de 4 laatste gevangens dat zij daartoe door de 2 eerste gevangens zijn aangezet geworden, met te zeggen: Nu is ’t tijd.

Dat daarop de gevangens gesamentlijk opgestaan zijnde, een ijder hunner een afzonderlijk post heeft gevat, en wel de eerste gevangen aan de achterdeur, om op te passen dat daar niemand zoude uijtvlugten, en de 2e gevangen aan de voordeur en ’t vengster van de kamer daar de vrouw zig in bevond, ten eijnde dezelve het uijtgaan te beletten.

Dat vervolgens de 4e gevangen zig eerst na den knegt of sneijder Kramer begeeven en, denzelven met twee wonden in de buijk gestooken hebbende, gegaan is na de twee meijden, die in de gaandereij te slapen lagen, en na de eene met een steek om het leeven te hebben gebracht, de tweede met verscheijdene steeken gewond heeft en, volgens het zeggen van den 6e gevangen, wanneer die meijd niet terstond stierf, op haar was gaan zitten en onder het geduurig steken, noch deeze godlasterlijke termen gebruikt heeft: Goddome, wat leeft die meijd lang, kan ik haar niet dood krijgen?

Dat de 2e gevangen, die met een kirrij en een mes gewapend was, de vrouw, wanneer dezelve, op het gehoorde gerucht, zich met een van haare kinderen uijt het vengster met de vlugt had willen sauveeren, met de kirrij zoodanig een slag heeft toegebracht dat zij, die reeds op de vengsterbank was geklommen, daarvan af en op de grond gevallen is.

Dat de derde gevangen, wanneer de deur van de kamer, daar de vrouw zich in bevond, door den 5e en 6e gevangen opengehakt en hij na binnen getreden was, op de aanweijzing van den 4e gevangen dat er een meijd, dewelke zich intusschen meester had gemaakt van het zuijgend kind en nog een kleijn meijsje met die twee kinderen onder het ledekant lag, naar die meijd toegegaan is, en dezelve met een kris, die hij van den 4e gevangen gekreegen had, eenige steeken heeft toegebragt.

Dat vermits die meijd maar eens geschreeuwd, en vervolgens zich stil gehouden had, hij 3e gevangen in de suppositie geweest is dat zij dood was, terwijl die meijd maar enkeld in de beenen is gequetst geweest, het meijse met een ligte wonde aan het hoofd vrijgeraakt, en het zuigend kind gantsch onbeschadigt is gebleeven.

Dat, volgens bekentenis van den 5e en 6e gevangens, de 4e nog van ’t leeven beroofd heeft een kind, dat zich in de kamer bij de moeder bevond.

Dat de 5e gevangen Saripa, nadat dezelve de slaaf Hector van de Caab, die in de combuijs te slapen lag, met twee wonden ter dood had gebragt en vervolgents [sic] na binnen gegaan zijnde, en de deur van de kamer, daar de vrouw zich in bevond, met behulp van den 6e gevangen, met een bijl of hakmes opengehakt had, de kamer ingetreeden is en ’t kind, dat de moeder op de arm hield, met een kirrij het hoofd in twee gekliefd, voorts de vrouw mede met een kirrij zodanig geslagen heeft dat hij dagt dat zij ingsgelijks de geest daarvan zoude geeven.

Dat alwijders de 6e gevangen, gelijk voormeld, de deur van de kamer, waar zich de vrouw bevond, beneevens den 5e gevangen opengehakt hebbende, voorts alle kasten en kisten, door middel van een hakmes dat hij bij zijne opdrossing van zijne lijfvrouw had meede genoomen, opengebrooken hebbende, met alle de gevangens zoo veele goederen meede genoomen heeft als zij maar konden dragen, hebbende de gevangens niet ten regten kunnen opgeeven wat eijgentlijk door hun gestoolen is.

Dat de overige gevangens nog eenparig den 6e gevangen hebben beschuldigt dat, hoewel zijlieden zulx niet gezien hebben, echter door den 6e gevangen, wanneer zijlieden de voornoemde afgrijselijke moorden hadden volbragt, en van die plaatze vertrocken zijnde, op weg hunne gepleegde gruweldaden nog, als een zoort van heldenstuk, onder elkanderen verhandelden, aan hun verhaald heeft dat hij 6e gevangen den knegt Kramer meede een steek gegeeven heeft, dat ’t mes hem in de buijk was blijven zitten en, daarenboven, een der meijden zodanig in de buijk gewond heeft: Dat haar (s.v.)2 de drek uijt den buijk gekoomen is; ’tgeen echter door hem 6e gevangen is ontkend, onder voorwendsel dat hij zulx eeniglijk gezegd heeft om daar door niet beschaamd te staan voor zijne makkers en opdat hij door hun niet van lafheijd zoude beschuldigd worden, voegende nogthans, ten opzigt van den knegt Kramer, daar nog bij dat ingevalle die knegt drie wonden mogt hebben, hij er als dan ligtelijk wel een van hem 6e gevangen konde bekoomen hebben.

Dat zij gevangens, nadat zijlieden die execrable moorden volbracht en zich van alles wat hun goeddagt voorzien hadden, omtrent twaalf of een uuren des nagts, zich van daar op weg na herwaards hebben begeeven, en hun gemaakt project, om na ’t Cafferland te gaan, uijtgesteld hebbende totdat zijlieden alle de geroofde goederen alhier zouden hebben verdebiteerd, onder elkanderen afspraak hebben genoomen om alsdan weder na derwaards hunne begonne rijs te volbrengen.

Dat zij gevangens vervolgents, des anderen daags, een wagen of twee in ’t gezicht gekreegen, en de 2e gevangen Andries wederom geproponeerd hebbende om dien wagen almeede te attacqueeren en te spolieeren, sulx door de overige gevangens is afgeslagen geworden, onder ’t zeggen: D’ eene zonde is pas voorbij, en gij wilt weder een ander beginnen?, waardoor dan dat ook gestuijt geworden is.

Dat, eijndelijk, eenige dagen na de gepleegde moorden, zij gevangens des nagts nog gegaan zijn na de plaats van eenen Hendrik Hop, geleegen aan de Karnmelks Rivier, ten eijnde van daar eenige schapen te steelen, terwijl de 3e gevangen als wagter bij de, op de plaats van Rotman gestoolene, goederen, vermits dezelve een zeer been had, in hun schuijlnest verbleeven is.

Dat de 5e gevangen, wanneer hij van een schaap voorzien was en zich eerst op weg naar hun schuijlhoek begeeven wilden, door den donkeren van zijne makkers afgedwaald zijn, toen de dag aanbrak, genoodsaakt is geweest, wijl hij zich nog digt bij de plaats van eevengemelde Hop bevond, na voormelde plaats te gaan, alwaar hij 5e gevangen dan ook, nietteegenstaande hij voorgaf een slagter jonge en van zijne makkers verdwaald te zijn, gevangen genomen is.

Dat voorts de Hottentots Capitain Adam Prins, die zich daar ter plaatze bevond, en reeds ordre bekoomen had om op de gevangens uijt te gaan, dien dag dan ook met zijne onderhoorige manschappen op commando is gegaan en, bij ’t passeeren der schaapenkraal van dickwijls gemelde Hop, door de nat en modderigheijd ontdekt hebbende dat er dien nagt vreemd volk aldaar geweest was, die spooren nagevolgd is totdat hij, ongeveer een half uur daar meede bezig geweest zijnde, alstoen in de ruijgte omstreex de Karnmelks Rivier de gevangens ontdekt heeft; dewelke, zoo dra zijlieden de Hottentotten ontwaarde, terstond zich in postuur van teegenweer stelden, onder het zeggen van een hunner: ’t Is nu tijd, nu moeten wij ons verdedigen; zijnde echter, desniettegenstaande, de gevangens eijndelijk g’apprehendeert, vervolgens na Zwellendam overgebracht, en daarna alhier in handen van justitie overgeleeverd geworden.

Dan nademaal diergelijke moedwillige aufugie, gepaard met gruwelijke moorden en geweldadige diefstallen, in een land, alwaar de regt en gerechtigheijd behoorlijk gehandhaaf word, geentsints ongestrafd kunnen blijven, maar in teegendeel ten spiegel en afschrik van andere soortgelijke moordsugtige fielten, mitsgaders ter beveijliging en zeekerheijd der, in de verafgeleegene districten zoo verspreijd woonende, goede ingeseetenen en derzelver bezittings, rigoureuselijk behooren te worden gestrafd.

Zoo is ’t, dat den edelacthbaren Raad van Justitie, voormeld, ten dage dienende, met alle oplettentheijd geleezen en overwogen hebbende, den schrijftelijken crimineelen eijsch en conclusie wegens den landdrost der colonie Swellendam, de heer Constant van Nuld Onkruijd, nomine officii, op ende jeegens de gevangens gedaan ende genoomen, mitsgaders gelet op den gevangens vrijwillige confessiën, voorts op al hetgunt ter materie was dienende en hun edelachtbaarens konde doen moveeren, regt doende uijt naam ende van wegens de hoogmogende Heeren Staten Generaal der Vereenigde Nederlanden, alle de gevangens hebben gecondemneerd, gelijk hun edelachtbaarens dezelve condemneeren mits deezen: omme gebracht te worden ter plaatze alwaar men alhier gewoon is crimineele sententiën te executeeren, aldaar den scherpregter overgeleverd, ieder nakend uijtgekleed en op een kruijs gebonden zijnde, met gloeijende nijptangen op agt differente plaatzen uijt de vleeschagtigste gedeeltens van hunne lichaamen stucken vleesch uijtgeneepen, voorts van onderen op levendig geleedbraakt te worden, zonder slag van gratie, en zoodanig te blijven liggen totdat den geest zullen gegeeven hebben, wijders de doode lichaamen naar het buijten gerecht gesleept, aldaar op raderen en de hoofden op penne gesteld zijnde, dus te verblijven totdat door de lucht en vogelen des hemels zullen zijn verteerd; met condemnatie van alle de gevangens in de kosten en misen van justitie, en ontzegging van den verderen of anders gedaanen eijsch en genoomene conclusie van den Officier.

Aldus gedaan en gesententieerd aan Cabo de Goede Hoop, den 23e der maand November 1786, mitsgaders gepronuntieerd in ’t Casteel de Goede Hoop, den 2e der daaraanvolgende maand December, mitsgaders geëxecuteerd ten zelven dagen.

Fiat Executie, [get.] C.J. van de Graaff.

[get.] P. Hacker, J. Rhenius, S. v. Echten, Johs. Smuts, J.M. Horak, As. van Sittert, W.F. v. Reede van Oudtshoorn, J.M. Bletterman, C.L. Neethling, C.G. Maasdorp, Cl. Matthiessen, G.H. Meijer, O.G. de Wet.

Mij present, [get.] C. van Aersen, secretaris.

include here photograph of the Bougies letter (CJ 424, pp. 703)

Footnotes

  1. Strictly speaking, a slagtersbriefje was a creditor’s note farmers received from butchers in exchange for their stock (Newton-King 1999: 146-47), but here it seems simply to be used as a synonym for the pad- or permissiebriefje slaves of butchers sent to collect stock would receive from their owners when they set out. See note 7 below.

  2. This is the abbreviation for the Latin phrase salva venia, which means ‘by your leave (for what is to follow)’. Here it is the word drek which is considered offensive.

Places
Caffers where the runaways were trying to escape to
Gantouws [sic] River beyond this river the first group of runaways got lost
Robben Island where Mohammedan priest Norman and Valentijn van Dapoer were punished
Salt River where the runaways would meet; they called it "behind the Castle"
Dunes where some of the runaways went first by accident; also called the Cape Flats
’t Moddergat farm of Jacobus Conterman
Bot River where Christoffel Kock lives
De Wolve Kraal where Willem Wilkens lives
Kwartel River where Christiaan Koen lives
Storm Valleij Where Gerrit Kemp lives
Nieuwe Cloof where the runaways continued into until Hottentot kraal
Hottentot kraal where the runaways stopped
Breede River where widow Van Eede lives
Karnmelks River had to go through this river to get from widow Van Eede to Jan van Reenen; where Henndrik Hop lives; where the runaways were captured
Donau River passed this river to get from Jan van Reenen's to Pieter du Pree
Kafferskuijls River where Pieter du Pree lives
Swellendam where the runaways were brought first after being captured