1760 Achilles van de West Cust et al
This is one of the most complex and revealing cases about slavery in the criminal records of the Council of Justice.1 It involved what one historian has described as a ‘minor slave uprising’, in circumstances that greatly alarmed the authorities and colonists.2
The events involved a group of slave runaways on Table Mountain who fought pitched battles with the burghers. They sent particular panic through Cape Town when some of them, inspired by the revenge of Achilles van de West Cust against his owner, murdered Michiel Smuts and his family in their Oranjezicht home.3 After a series of encounters with other slaves and skirmishes with commandos, some were killed (and some summarily executed on the spot). Januarij van Boegies, the sole survivor of the original gang, was brought to justice, together with eleven other slaves who had later joined it or provided it with food or support. The original group of runaways on Table Mountain had drawn over twenty slaves into its net by this time.
A particularly intriguing aspect of the case is the role played by one of the slaves, September van Boegies, whose interrogation is transcribed here along with the sententie. Called ‘father’ by the others, he was clearly a figure of authority, both because of his seniority in age and because of his traditional Bugis medical knowledge. His interrogation is unusually revealing of the cultural and social worlds of Southeast Asian slaves at the Cape, including notions of kinship, medicine, language and concepts of time.
Included in the court records is an intriguing document – a letter in the Bougies language, written to September by another slave from Bougies, one Upas, who lived in Stellenbosch.4 The content had nothing to do with the case in question, but even the possession of a letter written in a strange script and language from one Bougies slave to another was considered by the authorities to be suspicious, especially since they feared that reading and written communication amongst slaves might facilitate an uprising.5 On the basis of this evidence, September was accused of fostering revolt among the Bougies slaves of the colony, and this was as alarming to the authorities as the attack on the Smuts family. This accounts for September’s gruesome execution: he had played no part in the attack on the Smuts homestead, although he had subsequently provided the runaways with food and medical assistance.
Footnotes
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The documentation for the case includes the eijscheijschLiterally ‘claim’ or ‘demand.’ This is strictly speaking the eijsch ende conclusie without the final part about sentencing, but the term is often used as a shorthand for the whole document., the testimonies of each of the accused (including Baatjoe van Bougies, who died in prison before judgment was given) as well as those of Fortuijn van Bengal and Baatjoe van Balij, Michiel Smuts’s surviving slaves, CJ 373, ff. 43-143. ↩
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Cairns 1980b: 15. For historical analysis of different aspects of the whole episode, see Ross 1983: 19-20 and Koolhof & Ross 2002. The murder led to an immediate banning of slave wood-collecting on the mountain, the enforcement of controls over slaves gathering in Cape Town streets at night without lanterns, and the requirement that they carry letters from their owners showing that they had permission to be out of their owner’s sight (Kaapse Plakkaatboek III: 30-1). The ban on wood-collecting was rescinded on 7 August (Kaapse Plakkaatboek III: 31-2), but slaves were ordered to report sightings of any runaways on the mountain. The fear of a Bougies-inspired uprising in this and subsequent cases involving East Indian slave resistance confirmed the stereotype of Bugis slaves as ‘treacherous’, and contributed to the (ineffectual) banning of the further importation of East Indian slaves to the Cape in 1767. Plakkaten to enforce this had to be periodically issued, Kaapse Plakkaatboek III: 164 (1784) and IV: 80-1 (1792); see discussion for causes of this ban in Worden 1985: 44 and Shell 1994: 43 n. 8 and 233. ↩
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Michiel Smuts was a Company official with the rank of boekhouderboekhouderThe administrative or civil sector of the VOC was divided into six categories of rank, with the governor-general at the head of the first one. Most of the titles used for these ranks were derived from the merchant origins of the VOC, but in practice a rank did not equate with a person’s function. A boekhouder (literally ‘bookkeeper’) was a rank in the fifth category, just above that of ‘assistant’, and below that of an onderkoopman (‘junior merchant’). who lived with his family in a house on the slopes of the mountain. Stories of the family murder continued to be told until well into the twentieth century, Cairns 1980b. ↩
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CJ 373, bound between ff. 141 and 142. It is translated (rather inaccurately according to Koolhof & Ross 2002) into Malay and Dutch, CJ 373, f. 142. The letter, along with the Dutch and Malay translations, is printed in Franken 1953: 67-9. For another Bougies letter in the criminal records, see 1786 Augustus van de Caab et al. ↩
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It was a request for medical assistance. It was not even clear to the court whether September could read and write, and he himself claimed he could not. Koolhof & Ross (2002) point out that the meaning and interpretation of the letter were misinterpreted both by the court and by later historians. The possession of a Bougies letter was also viewed with suspicion and alarm in 1786 Augustus van de Caab et al. ↩
CJ 373 Criminele Process Stukken, 1760, Deel 2, ff. 85-95v.
Interrogation drawn up, and given to the honourable deputised members from the honourable Council of Justice of this government so that the slave September can be heard and interrogated, on the requisition of the independent fiscal, Pieter Reede van Oudshoorn, while his given responses must be made known in the margins of this.
There appears before us, the undersigned delegates from the honourable Council of Justice of this government, September van Boegies, who has answered to the questions below as noted to their sides.
Article 1: What is the prisoner’s name, age and place of birth?
Answer: September van Boegies, fifty years old at a guess.
Article 2: Whose bondsman the prisoner is?
Answer: Of the widow Adriaan Heuning.
Article 3: How long a time it is since the prisoner was first informed of that gang of deserters, and where it was that he had first spoken to them?
Answer: It was after the ploughing season that I first spoke to them at the Platte Cloof.
Article 4: How strong this group was when he spoke to them for the first time?
Answer: Three.
Article 5: To whom these runaway slaves belong, and how they are named?
Answer: One of Bergman, one of Verweij, and Adonis.
Article 6: If there was present amongst these runaway slaves a slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. named Fortuijn, who, about a full year ago now, had wounded his owner Cornelis Verweij with a knife?
Answer: Yes.
Article 7: If this said Fortuijn is the prisoner’s brother or half-brother?
Answer: No.
Article 8: If not, why did they then always address each other in this way?
Answer: Because it is the custom amongst the Bugis.
Article 9: How strong this gang of runaway slaves was in fact?
Answer: Thirteen men.
Article 10: For how long a period the prisoner had provided these runaway slaves with food and tobacco?
Answer: Two weeks, over and above what they had obtained from the other slaves.
Article 11: If these slaves, while they were staying in the dunes at Blaauwberg, once came to fetch food from the prisoner and his comrades at the Platte Cloof?
Answer: Yes.
Article 12: How often were these deserters with him in the slave house?
Answer: Two times.
Article 13: If there were once six and on another occasion thirteen of these deserters with him in the slave house?
Answer: Yes.
Article 14: How the six deserters are named who were with the prisoner in the slave house on the first occasion, and whose bondsmen they were, to name these.
Answer: Julij, Fortuijn, Adonis, the other three I do not know.
Article 15: How that jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. is named who sat on the prisoner’s or Isaak’s bed and wrote?
Answer: Julij.
Article 16: If it had been Julij of Bergman?
Answer: As above.
Article 17: If the jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. of Cornelis Verweij, named Fortuijn, had also been present at this?
Answer: Yes.
Article 18: If the prisoner told the aforementioned Julij what he had to write?
Answer: Fortuijn told it to me.
Article 19: If the prisoner also gave a letter to Adonis?
Answer: Not to Adonis, but Julij had given a letter to Januarij.
Article 20: What was written in that letter?
Answer: Nothing other than that he could protect his body from evil by it.
Article 21: What agreement did they reach with one another at this time?
Answer: The deserters bade me to run away too, though I did not wish to do so.
Article 22: With what were the said slaves armed at this time?
Answer: They did not bring any guns along.
Article 23: If, about fourteen days thereafter, thirteen to fourteen deserters were brought into the slave house by the prisoner, amongst whom were also those six deserters who had been in the slave house fourteen days before?
Answer: Yes, thirteen.
Article 24: Who had blown out the candle in the slave house on this occasion?
Answer: The candle remained burning.
Article 25: If this had been performed by Januarij?
Answer: As above.
Article 26: If the prisoner, while the deserters were in his sleeping place, where he had a candle, handed over a letter to Julij?
Answer: No! Julij read his own letter.
Article 27: With what were they armed at this time?
Answer: They had knives at their sides, and nothing else.
Article 28: If they were armed with a pistol, four to five assegaaijenassegaaijenThis word for a spear or javelin entered European languages via Spanish (azagaya) from Arabic and Berber in the late Middle Ages. Since the foundation of the Cape colony in the mid-seventeenth century, it was used to refer to the spears of the Khoikhoi, and later also for those of other indigenous people in southern Africa., as also each one with a parrang or so-called kris in his waistband?
Answer: As on the aforegoing article.
Article 29: What kind of mutual agreement did they reach amongst themselves at this time?
Answer: They said to me: Come along.
Article 30: If this was not principally to gear up to go with one another to the land of the Caffers?
Answer: Yes.
Article 31: At what time did they intend to undertake this journey?
Answer: When the barley would be ripe.
Article 32: If this was planned by them to be at the time when the barley would form into ears?
Answer: Yes.
Article 33: Whom of their gang it would have been, to name these.
Answer: Jacob, Manus, Isaac, Adam, Februarij and November, both of Jan le Roux; though I, the interrogatee, did not wish to go with, and about Matthijs and Gedult I do not know.
Article 34: If those who agreed with this were: the aforementioned runaway slaves, the interrogatee, as also his fellow slaves: Januarij, Jacob, Isaac, Manu, Matthijs and Gedult, and further two slaves of the burgher Jan le Roux, named Februarij and November?
Answer: As on the aforegoing article.
Article 35: Who else, in addition, would have gone with them on this journey, to name these.
Answer: Nobody else.
Article 36: If the slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. by the name of Cupido, belonging to Sieur Cruijwagen, would also have gone with?
Answer: This jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. spoke to me and said that if I go along, he too would go, that he could speak Hottentots and knew the way to the land of the Caffers.
Article 37: If the prisoner, in order to search for more of his Bugis people, would have gone to the Cape on the 27th of the past month July?
Answer: No.
Article 38: If an agreement was reached by the prisoner and one of the captains of the gang of deserters to obtain guns and to plunder the farm of Smuts, De Windmoolen, and that of Claas Jonas?
Answer: No.
Article 39: If the prisoner asked the cook Slamat [sic] for gunpowder?
Answer: No.
Article 40: What did this cook give as an answer to the prisoner about this?
Answer: As above.
Article 41: If the prisoner was of the intention, with the help of his accomplices, to get into their possession the gunpowder which was stored there; to murder the knechtknechtLiterally ‘male servant,’ but because most European knechten at the Cape were used as slave overseers, this original meaning gradually eroded and the word ended up meaning primarily (as in modern Afrikaans), ‘farm foreman.’ of his mistress, the widow Heuning; thereafter to plunder the farm and to take the guns which were there with them?
Answer: No.
Article 42: With whom it was that the prisoner was in principal contact here at the Cape?
Answer: With one maaij Sila,1 a Chinese woman, who lives across the residence of the butcher Bergman, for whom I always brought onions.
Article 43: If it was with a Chinese woman named maaij Siele [sic], who had sent for him via Isaac?
Answer: Yes.
Article 44: If, on the very evening that this gang of murderers had escaped the commando – after food was first taken, on his orders, by Januarij, Jacob and Matthijs to these deserters, namely Fortuijn, Julij and Adonis – one of these rascals, by the name of Baatjoe, belonging to the burgher Smit, and who was wounded in his arm, came to him in the slave house?
Answer: Yes.
Article 45: If the prisoner, since being a doctor, bandaged the said Baatjoe and then designated as sleeping place for him that night the bed of Jacob?
Answer: I spat on the wounds in the Bugis fashion, but I took off the cloth and thereafter bandaged it again with the piece of cloth of Baatjoe.
Article 46: If his fellow slave Januarij is an adopted son of the prisoner? Answer: Yes.
Article 47: If the prisoner gave Januarij a silver soup spoon, of which the handle was broken off, to take care of?
Answer: The deserter Christiaan had given it to me, and Januarij asked me for it.
Article 48: If the prisoner handed over a letter to his said adopted son, saying: “Julij sends you this”?
Answer: Yes.
Article 49: What the contents of that letter was?
Answer: That the letter was good against illness.
Article 50: If the letter currently being shown to him, which is written in the Bugis language, belongs to him?
Answer: Yes.
Article 51: If not, through what coincidence did this letter end up in his chest?
Answer: As above.
Article 52: If the address comprises: “From the volkvolkIn seventeenth-century Dutch this was used to refer either to a group of people in the sense of ‘nation,’ or more commonly a group of people acting or working together. It was thus often used as a short-hand term for common labourers. Although the word was used in this latter meaning at the Cape to refer to European labourers, it eventually – due to the racial divide in the labour situation – came to refer to both slaves and Khoikhoi in the sense of manual labourers. This usage lived on in modern Afrikaans plaasvolk, ‘farm labourers.’ to September at the Platte Cloof”?
Answer: I cannot read.
Article 53: If the prisoner can read or write Bugis?
Answer: No, but if I am given an example, I can copy it out.
Article 54: From whom was this letter sent to him?
Answer: From a jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. at Stellenbosch, named Oepas, though who brought it to me I do not know.
Article 55: What do the contents of this letter consist of?
Answer: That because the slave Oepas was continually ill, he requested me to come to him.
Article 56: What reasons did the prisoner have to claim, when the honourable petitioner interrogated him about this gang for the first time, that it was only nine men strong and that seven of them were heavily wounded?
Answer: I heard that from Christiaan.
Article 57: If this was not to mislead the honourable petitioner by it?
Answer: No.
Article 58: If the prisoner would have acted as the head of his gang?
Answer: Yes, I was requested to do that by my house volkvolkIn seventeenth-century Dutch this was used to refer either to a group of people in the sense of ‘nation,’ or more commonly a group of people acting or working together. It was thus often used as a short-hand term for common labourers. Although the word was used in this latter meaning at the Cape to refer to European labourers, it eventually – due to the racial divide in the labour situation – came to refer to both slaves and Khoikhoi in the sense of manual labourers. This usage lived on in modern Afrikaans plaasvolk, ‘farm labourers.’,2 being the slaves named on article 33.
Article 59: What reasons did the prisoner have to embark upon such pernicious designs?
Answer: I did not want to run away.
Article 60: If the prisoner should not admit now that, because of the conspiracy with and the giving of food to a gang of thirteen to fourteen murderers, the enticement of his fellow slaves, as also their mutually intended pernicious designs: to run away to the land of the Caffers, to plunder some farms, to steal guns and powder and to murder everybody who might try to prevent them on their way, he is severely punishable?
Answer: Over the conspiracy with the gang of murderers and the giving of food, I admit to be punishable, but as to the enticement of my fellow slaves I have no guilt, and because I knew it was wrong, I did not wish to go along to the land of the Caffers; however, of the plundering of farms and the murdering of people I know nothing, but I did hear from the other slaves that they wanted to take gunpowder from their farm, but I did not agree to this.
Thus interrogated and answered in the Bugis language by Pieter Matthijs Pieterssoon in the Castle of Good Hope on 9 August 1760, before the honourables P. Hacker and Jn. Haszingh, members of the honourable Council of Justice, aforementioned, who have properly signed this, together with the interrogatee, as also the aforementioned interpreter P.M. Pietersoon and me, the secretary.
Which I declare, [signed] C.L. Neethling, secretary.
Verification
There appears before us, the undersigned delegates from the honourable Council of Justice of this government, the slave September van Boegies, who, after this, his aforegoing interrogation, with the responses he had given to it, had been read out word by word, clearly and plainly, declares to fully persist by it, not desiring that anything more be added to or taken from it, except only: that he intended to run away as well; that he had asked gunpowder from the cook, without, however, having threatened him; that Baatjoe of Smid had slept on the oven; that the confessant admits to be guilty of enticing of his fellow slaves and, finally, that the plundering of farms and the murdering of people had not been decided upon definitely, and declares all of the above to be the truth .3
Thus verified in the Malay language and interpreted as before, in the Castle of Good Hope on 12 August 1760.
This X is the mark of September van Boegies.
For the interpretation, [signed] P.M. Pietersoon.
As delegates, [signed] P. Hacker, Jn. Haszingh.
In my presence, [signed] C.L. Neethling, secretary.
Footnotes
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On the use of the respectful term maaij, see 1755 Patientie van Manacabo, n. 7. ↩
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Meaning the other slaves attached to that house or farm, an interesting insight into the ways in which a slave identified with the other slaves of his owner’s household. ↩
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It is not clear why September van Boegies here retracted everything that he so vigorously denied during the interrogation. It may have been because of the other slaves’ testimonies, or possibly the threat of torture, although the records are not usually silent on the latter. ↩
Interrogatoriën, gedaan maaken en aan d’ edele gecommitteerde leeden uijt den edelegtbaare Raad van Justitie deeses gouvernements, overgegeeven, omme daarop, ter requisitie, van den Independent Fiscaal Pieter Reede van Oudshoorn, gehoort en ondervraagt te werden, den slaaf September, zullende sijne te geevene responsiven in margine deeses moeten bekent gestelt werden.
Compareerde voor ons, ondergetekende gecommitteerdens uijt den edelagtbaare Raad van Justitie deeses gouvernements, September van Boegies, denwelken op de onderstaande vraagpoincten soodanig geantwoord heeft, als beseijden deselve staat aangeteekent.
Articul 1: Hoe sijn gevangens naam, ouderdom en geboorteplaats is? Antwoord: September van Boegies, oud naar gissing vijftig jaaren.
Articul 2: Wiens lijfeijgen hij gevangen is?
Antwoord: Van de weeduwe Adriaan Heuning.
Articul 3: Hoe langen tijd het geleeden is dat hij gevangen de eerste reijse kennisse aan dat complot drossers gekreegen heeft, en waar hij deselve eerst heeft gesprooken gehad?
Antwoord: ’t Is naar de ploegtijd geweest dat ik haar de eerste maal onder de Platte Cloof gesprooken heb.
Articul 4: Hoe sterk zijlieden waaren toen hij deselven voor de eerste reijse gesprooken heeft?
Antwoord: Drie.
Articul 5: Aan wie die drossende slaaven sijn toebehoorende, en hoe deselven genaamt sijn?
Antwoord: Een van Bergman, een van Verweij, en Adonis.
Articul 6: Of onder die drossende slaven zig niet bevonden heeft een slave jongen, Fortuijn genaamt, dewelken, nu omtrent een groot jaar geleeden, desselfs lijfheer Cornelis Verweij met een mes heeft gequetst gehad?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 7: Of deese genoemde Fortuijn zijn gevangens broeder of halve broeder is?
Antwoord: Neen.
Articul 8: Soo neen, waarom sijlieden dan elkander altoos soo genoemt hebben?
Antwoord: Omdat het onder de Boegineesen de gewoonte is.
Articul 9: Hoe sterk dat complot drossende slaven wel geweest is?
Antwoord: Derthien stux.
Articul 10: Hoe langen tijd hij gevangen die drossende slaven van kost en toback heeft voorsien gehad?
Antwoord: Twee weeken, buijten en behalven wat se van de andere slaven bekoomen hebben.
Articul 11: Of die slaven, terwijl in de Blaauwebergs duijnen hun ophielden, niet nog eens kost bij hem gevangen en desselfs mackers aan de Platte Cloof gehaald hebben?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 12: Hoe dikwils die drossers bij hem gevangen in ’t slavenhuijs geweest sijn? Antwoord: Twee maal.
Articul 13: Of niet eens ses, en dan nog eens derthien stux van die drossers bij hem in ’t slavenhuijs geweest sijn?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 14: Hoe de ses drossers die bij hem gevangen de eerste reijse in ’t slavenhuijs geweest sijn, geheeten hebben, en wiens lijfeijgenen zij geweest sijn, die te noemen.
Antwoord: Julij, Fortuijn, Adonis, de andere drie ken ik niet.
Articul 15: Hoe die jonge is genaamt, die op sijn gevangens of Isaaks kooij heeft sitten schrijven?
Antwoord: Julij.
Articul 16: Of het niet is geweest Julij van Bergman?
Antwoord: Als vooren.
Articul 17: Of de jongen van Cornelis Verweij, Fortuijn genaamt, daar ook niet bij praesent is geweest?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 18: Of hij gevangen teegens voornd. Julij niet heeft gesegt gehad wat dat hij schrijven moeste?
Antwoord: Fortuijn heeft het mij voorgesegt.
Articul 19: Of hij gevangen aan Adonis ook geen briefje gegeeven heeft? Antwoord: Aan Adonis niet, maar Julij heeft een briefje aan Januarij gegeeven.
Articul 20: Wat in dat briefje geschreeven was?
Antwoord: Niets anders dan dat hij sijn lichaam daardoor voor quaad bewaaren konde.
Articul 21: Wat afspraak zijlieden te dier tijd onder elkander genoomen hebben?
Antwoord: De drossers hebben mij versogt, om meede te drossen, dog ik heb het niet willen doen.
Articul 22: Waarmeede te dier tijd gemelde slaven sijn gewapent geweest?
Antwoord: Sij hebben geen geweer meede gebragt.
Articul 23: Of omtrent 14 dagen daarna, niet weederom door hem gevangen in ’t slavenhuijs binnen gebragt sijn, 13 à 14 drossers, waaronder sig ook bevonden hebben die ses drossers die veerthien dagen bevoorens in ’t slavenhuijs geweest waaren?
Antwoord: Ja, derthien.
Articul 24: Wie de kaars te dier tijd in ’t slavenhuijs heeft uijtgedaan?
Antwoord: De kaars is brandende gebleeven.
Articul 25: Of zulks door Januarij niet is verrigt geworden?
Antwoord: Als vooren.
Articul 26: Of hij gevangen, terwijl de drossers in zijn cagie,1 alwaar hij een kaars had, aan Julij niet een briefje heeft overhandigt?
Antwoord: Neen! Julij heeft sijn eijgen brief geleesen.
Articul 27: Waarmeede sij te dier tijd sijn gewapent geweest?
Antwoord: Sij hadden messen op zeijde, en niets anders.
Articul 28: Of zij niet gewapent sijn geweest met een pistool, vier à vijf assegaaijen, mitsgaders ieder met een parrang, of soogenaamde kris, op de broeksband?
Antwoord: Als op ’t voorgaande articul.
Articul 29: Wat voor onderlinge afspraak zij alstoen onder elkander genoomen hebben?
Antwoord: Sij hebben teegens mij gesegt: Gaat mee.
Articul 30: Of zulx principaal niet gerouleert heeft om met elkander naar ’t Caffers land te gaan? Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 31: Teegens wat tijd hun voorneemen wel geweest is, die reijse aan te neemen?
Antwoord: Teegens dat de garst rijp is.
Articul 32: Of zulx door hunlieden niet is bestemt geworden teegens dat de garst in d’ aijren quam?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 33: Wie van hun geselschap soude sijn geweest, die te noemen. Antwoord: Jacob, Manus, Isaac, Adam, Februarij en November, bijde van Jan le Roux; dog ik gevraagde, heb niet willen mee gaan, en van Matthijs en Gedult weet ik niet af.
Articul 34: Of hiertoe niet hunne toestemming gegeeven hebben, de voormelde drossende slaven, hij gevraagde, neevens sijne meede slaven: Januarij, Jacob, Isaac, Manus, Matthijs en Gedult, en nog twee slaven van den burger Jan le Roux, Februarij en November genaamt?
Antwoord: Als op ’t voorgaande articul.
Articul 35: Wie nog meer op deese reijse met hunlieden zoude meegegaan sijn, die te noemen.
Antwoord: Niemand meer.
Articul 36: Of den slave jongen in naame Cupido, toebehoorende sieur Cruijwagen, ook meede gaan soude?
Antwoord: Dien jongen heeft mij gevangen aangesprooken, en gesegt dat, soo ik meede ging, hij Cupido ook gaan soude, dat hij Cupido Hottentots spreeken konde en de weg naar ’t Caffers land wist.
Articul 37: Of hij gevangen, omme nog meer van sijn Boegineese natie aan te zoeken, op den 27 der gepasseerde maand Julij niet aan de Caab zoude gegaan zijn? Antwoord: Neen.
Articul 38: Of niet door hem gevangen, en een van de capitains van het complot drossers, afspraak genoomen is omme geweijr te verkrijgen, de plaats van Smuts, de Windmoolen, en Claas Jonas af te loopen? Antwoord: Neen.
Articul 39: Of hij gevangen aan den kok Slamat [sic] niet om kruijt gevraagt heeft? Antwoord: Neen.
Articul 40: Wat die kok hem gevangen daarop voor antwoord gegeven heeft? Antwoord: Als vooren.
Articul 41: Of hij gevangen niet voorneemens geweest is, met behulp sijner complicen, omme het daar berustende kruijt magtig te worden, desselfs lijfvrouw de weduwe Heuning den knegt te vermoorden, vervolgens de plaats af te loopen en het zig daar bevindende geweer meede te neemen? Antwoord: Neen.
Articul 42: Met wie hij gevangen alhier aan de Caab ten principale conversatie gehouden heeft? Antwoord: Met eene Maaij Sila, een Chineese vrouw, woonende over de wooning van den slagter Bergman, aan dewelke ik altijd uijen brenge.
Articul 43: Of het niet geweest is met een Chineese vrouw, maaij Siele [sic] genaamt, die hem door Isaac ontbooden heeft?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 44: Of dien eijgensten avond, wanneer het complot moordenaars het commando ontsnapt was, nadat alvoorens, ter sijner ordre, door Januarij, Jacob en Matthijs aan die drossers, te weeten Fortuijn, Julij en Adonis, kost gebragt was, een van die gaauwdieven, met naam [sic] Baatjoe van den burger Smit, dewelke in den arm gequetst was, bij hem niet in ’t slavenhuijs gekoomen is?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 45: Of hij gevangen, als zijnde een doctor, gemelden Baatjoe niet verbonden en vervolgens die nagt een slaapplaats op de kooij van Jacob heeft aangeweesen?
Antwoord: Ik heb op de wonde op de Boegineese wijse gespuuwt, maar ik heb de doek afgemaakt, en daarna met de neusdoek van Baatjoe weeder verbonden.
Articul 46: Of zijn meede slaaf Januarij geen aangenoomen zoon van hem gevangen is?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 47: Of hij gevangen aan Januarij niet een zilveren soupleepel, daer de steel afgebrooken was, in bewaring heeft gegeven?
Antwoord: Den drosser Christiaan heeft hem aan mij gegeven, en Januarij heeft dien van mij gevraagt.
Articul 48: Of hij gevangen aan gemelde sijnen aangenoomen soon niet een briefje heeft overgegeven, onder ’t seggen: Dat stuurt jou Julij?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 49: Wat den inhoud van dat briefje is geweest?
Antwoord: Dat dat briefje goed voor de siekte was.
Articul 50: Of het aan hem tans vertoont werdende briefje, ’twelk in de Boegineese taal geschreeven is, hem niet is toebehoorende?
Antwoord: Ja.
Articul 51: Soo neen, bij wat toeval dat briefje in sijn kist is gekoomen?
Antwoord: Als vooren.
Articul 52: Of die opschrift niet behelst: Van ’t volk aan September, aan de Platte Cloof?
Antwoord: Ik kan niet leesen.
Articul 53: Of hij gevangen niet Bouginees leesen of schrijven kan? Antwoord: Neen, dog als mij een voorbeeld voorgelegt word, kan ik het naschrijven.
Articul 54: Van wie hem dat briefje is toegesonden?
Antwoord: Van een jongen van Stellenbosch, genaamt Oepas, dog wie aan mij denselven gebragt heeft, is mij onbekent.
Articul 55: Wat den inhoud van dat briefje behelst?
Antwoord: Dewijl de slaaf Oepas altijd siek was, heeft denselven mij versogt bij hem te koomen.
Articul 56: Wat reedenen hij gevangen gehad heeft toen den heer requirant hem voor de eerste reijse na dat complot ondervraagt heeft, te zeggen, dat maar neegen stux sterk en seeven daarvan swaar gequetst waaren?
Antwoord: Ik had dat van Christiaan gehoord.
Articul 57: Of zulx niet geweest is om den heer requirant hierdoor te misleijden?
Antwoord: Neen.
Articul 58: Of hij gevangen niet als hoofd van sijn complot soude g’ageert hebben?
Antwoord: Ja, ik ben daartoe door mijn huijs volk versogt geworden, sijnde die slaven genoemt als op articul 33.
Articul 59: Wat reedenen hij gevangen gehad heeft zulke pernicieuse desseinen in ’t werk te stellen? Antwoord: Ik heb niet willen drossen.
Articul 60: Of hij gevangen thans niet bekennen moet over het t’ samen spannen en kost geeven aan een complot van 13 à 14 moordenaaren, ’t oprocken sijner meede slaven, mitsgaders ook hun onderlingen voorgenoomene pernicieuse desseinen om na ’t Caffers land op te drossen, eenige plaatsten af te loopen, ’t geweer en kruijt weg te neemen, en al wie haar op weg mog te koomen teegenstaan, te vermoorden, ten hoogsten strafbaar te weesen?
Antwoord: Over ’t saamen spannen met het complot moordenaaren en ’t geeven van kost, beken ik strafbaar te weesen; maar aan ’t oprockenen mijner meede slaven heb ik geen schuld en, omdat ik wist dat het quaad was, heb ik niet willen meede gaan naar ’t Caffers land; dog van ’t afloopen van plaatsen en van ’t vermoorden van menschen weet ik niet af; maar ik heb van de andere slaven wel gehoord dat se het kruijt van haar plaats soude willen meede neemen, maar ik heb daarin niet toegestemt.
Aldus gevraagt en b’antwoord in de Boegineese taal, door Pieter Matthijs Pieterssoon in ’t Casteel de Goede Hoop, den 9e Augustus 1760, voor d’ edele P. Hacker en Jn. Haszingh, leeden uijt den edeleagtbaare Raad van Justitie, voormeld, die deeses, beneevens den g’interrogeerden, mitsgaders voormelde tolk P.M. Pietersoon, ende mij, secretaris, meede behoorlijk hebben gesubcribeert.
’Twelk ik getuijgen, [get.] C.L. Neethling, secretaris.
Recollement
Compareerde voor ons, ondergetekende gecommitteerdens uijt den edelachtbaare Raad van Justitie deeses gouvernements, den slaaf September van Boegies, denwelken deese voorenstaande interrogatoriën met sijne daarop gegeevene responsiven, van woorde tot woorde klaar en duijdelijk voorgeleesen weesende, verklaarde daarbij volkoomen te persisteeren, niet begeerende dat er iets meer bijgevoegt ofte van gedaan werden sal, als alleenig: dat hij van sins geweest is meede op te drossen; dat hij van de kok kruijt heeft gevraagt, dog sonder denselven bedrijgt te hebben; dat Baatjoe van Smid op de oven geslaapen heeft; dat den confessant sig aan ’t oprocken sijner meede slaven schuldig kent en, eijndelijk, dat het afloopen van plaatsen en ’t vermoorden van de menschen nog niet vast afgesprooken geweest was, en betuijgde alle ’t voorenstaande de waarheijd te weesen.
Aldus gerecolleerd in de Maleijtsche taal en door als vooren vertolkt, in ’t Casteel de Goede Hoop, den 12e Augustus 1760.
Dit X is ’t merk van September van Boegies.
Voor de vertolking, [get.] P.M. Pietersoon.
Als gecommitteerdens, [get.] P. Hacker, Jn. Haszingh.
Mij praesent, [get.] C.L. Neethling, secretaris.
Footnotes
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Sic. A verb such as waren is omitted here. ↩
CJ 789 Sententiën, 1756-1760, ff. 268-93.
Since Achilles van de West Cust, 36 years old at a guess, slave of the late boekhouderboekhouderThe administrative or civil sector of the VOC was divided into six categories of rank, with the governor-general at the head of the first one. Most of the titles used for these ranks were derived from the merchant origins of the VOC, but in practice a rank did not equate with a person’s function. A boekhouder (literally ‘bookkeeper’) was a rank in the fifth category, just above that of ‘assistant’, and below that of an onderkoopman (‘junior merchant’). Michiel Smuts, Januarij van Boegies, age 40, bondsman of the burgher Abraham Kraaijwinkel, September van Boegies, age 50, Januarij van Maccasser, age 33, Isaac van Boegies, age 44, Adam van Sambouwa, age 40, Manus van Mandhaar, age 40, Matthijs van Mallebaar, age 30, Jacob van Madagascar, age 45, and Gedult van de Caab, 17 years old, all eight slaves of the widow of the late burgher Adriaan Heuning, besides Februarij van Boegies, age 30, November van Boegies, 25 years old, both bondsmen of the burgher Jan le Roux, junior, and Cupido van Bengalen, slave of the burgher councillor, sieursieurThe form sieur is derived from sinjeur, but it is uncertain whether the latter came into colonial Dutch from French seigneur or Creole Portuguese sinjoor (both from Latin, senior, ‘older’). The word was commonly used by slaves at the Cape to address European males, but it was also the official title for lower-ranking VOC officials. The word lived on in Afrikaans in the form of seur until the early twentieth century but is now extinct. Jan Meijndertsz Cruijwagen, 40 years old at a guess, all currently their honours’ prisoners, have voluntarily confessed, without torture or force of bonds, of irons, or even the least threat of suchlike, and since it has also appeared evident to the honourable Council of Justice of this government:
That since some time ago, certain of the bondsmen of both the inhabitants of this place and those of the rural areas ran away from their owners and, some earlier, some later, congregated with one another at Table Mountain until they reached the number of fifteen men. That this gang was then, as soon as their hiding place became known, attacked in a cavern of the Windberg1 by some burghers who used every means possible to overpower and capture them, without, however, being successful at this time on account of their vehement resistance – both through shooting with a pistol and by throwing down heavy stones on the aforesaid burghers – and because this gang of runaway slaves escaped by fleeing after one of theirs, by the name of Cardoes, belonging to the soldier Hendrik Thomas, was shot dead by the said burghers, and who then retreated to the back of Table Mountain to a different cavern. From where one of these scoundrels, by the name of Jacob van Boegies, bondsman of the burgher Jan Smid, proceeded to the farm of the burgher cornet Jacob van Rheenen, in order to steel sheep from the corral for their subsistence, which is when, while he was executing his intended theft, he was shot and wounded in such a way that he died shortly thereafter in the mountain from the wounds he received, after which there remained in that gang still thirteen men.
That one of the men who belonged to this gang was a slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. of the farmer Cornelis Verweij, by the name of Fortuijn van Boegies, who, fully a year ago, had dangerously wounded his said owner and then escaped by fleeing, and since then had been appointed by this gang as their captain. The said Fortuijn suggested to his gang of scoundrels the necessity of looking for and obtaining guns, whereupon the slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. of the late boekhouderboekhouderThe administrative or civil sector of the VOC was divided into six categories of rank, with the governor-general at the head of the first one. Most of the titles used for these ranks were derived from the merchant origins of the VOC, but in practice a rank did not equate with a person’s function. A boekhouder (literally ‘bookkeeper’) was a rank in the fifth category, just above that of ‘assistant’, and below that of an onderkoopman (‘junior merchant’). Michiel Smuts, by the name of Cupido van Bougies, then suggested to them that, in order to obtain these, they should go and murder his said owner who lives on his garden-plot; which proposal was approved by the whole gang. On the 14th of the recently passed month July they set out by evening from their cavern and took their course to the aforementioned garden-plot and arrived at seven o’clock in a ditch situated not far from it. Here they kept themselves hidden for some time while the aforementioned Cupido van Boegies proceeded to the garden-plot of his aforementioned owner and returned, not long after that, to the corral, whither the whole gang had in the meantime drawn closer in the darkness, bringing with him another slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour., by the name of Achilles, being the first prisoner, with whom the gang then arranged to murder the aforementioned Smuts, to which murder the first prisoner not only agreed and also added in substance to it: “Yes! I have long wanted to kill my baasbaasIn seventeenth-century Dutch this was used both in the sense of ‘head’ (e.g. ‘head carpenter’) and ‘master’. In South Africa the second meaning developed further, and thus baas came to be a synonym for meester (‘master’). It was the form that slaves (and Khoikhoi) would use to address male Europeans., and now he will die!”,2 but also returned ahead to the house in order to put everything in place which would help to facilitate this murder, seeing that he not only prevented an old slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour., by the name of Baatjoe van Balij, who at the moment when the first prisoner came into the kitchen wanted to go out to give fodder to his master’s horse, from doing so, saying to him: “You must not go out, because there are so many volkvolkIn seventeenth-century Dutch this was used to refer either to a group of people in the sense of ‘nation,’ or more commonly a group of people acting or working together. It was thus often used as a short-hand term for common labourers. Although the word was used in this latter meaning at the Cape to refer to European labourers, it eventually – due to the racial divide in the labour situation – came to refer to both slaves and Khoikhoi in the sense of manual labourers. This usage lived on in modern Afrikaans plaasvolk, ‘farm labourers.’ out there!”, but also immediately put out the lamp burning in the kitchen, so that, at about eight o’clock, the slave jongensjongensLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. Cupido van Boegies and his comrades, the aforementioned Fortuijn van Boegies and one Baloc, whom the aforementioned Cupido was holding fast as if being trussed, who meanwhile had been advancing up to the kitchen door, could go through the dark kitchen into the voorhuijsvoorhuijsLiterally the ‘front house’, this referred to the first area entered from the main door or stoep (porch). In most houses this was a room, although in the later design of some Cape houses it referred to a narrower passage (like a hall or vestibule) flanked by one or more front rooms., where these three scoundrels not only took, in the most gruesome fashion, the lives of the aforementioned Smuts, who had been sitting there writing peacefully, as well as of his wife, who had been sitting next to him on a chair, but also that of their little son, who had been lying asleep on a chair close by and who woke up during the abominable murder of his father and mother and started to scream. Thereafter they called inside from their gang, who had surrounded the house from the outside during the execution of these cruel murders, two more [slaves] by the names of Julij and Adonis, plundered the house and stole, apart from three muskets, lead and powder, from a cabinet: linen, silver spoons, as well as some other silverware and so on. With all of these goods this whole gang of murderers – amongst whom was also to be found the second prisoner, Januarij, who had run away from his aforesaid master about a year ago now, after only having been here in this country for a short period – set out, without returning to the mountain, to the dunes at Blaauwberg, where they kept hidden for some days and maintained themselves with mussels, which they went to search on the beach, and with some sheep, which some of these murderers had stolen from Jan Biesjeskraal,3 as also with such food as they went to fetch from some slaves of the widow Heuning, which slaves had been, since a considerable time theretofore, providing this gang with food and tobacco, which was collected by some of them, usually on Fridays, from the bushes in the vicinity of the Platte Cloof.
That a few days after this, the gang of murderers was discovered there by a commando of both militia from the honourable Company and burghers, and when they were, as far as possible, besieged in a large dune or shrub by this commando, they not only defended themselves against them, but also shot dead one of the grenadiers, although two of these scoundrels, named Baloc of the burgher Jochem Daniel Hubenaar and Jamil, belonging to the widow Dorse, were likewise shot dead by the commando, while the remaining eleven grasped the opportunity the darkness of night afforded to escape by fleeing, and proceeded the following night close to the farm of the widow Heuning, where they spoke to the third prisoner September who, seeing that he is an old jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour., is called “Father” by the other slaves of the widow Heuning and is considered as such, and who had gone out on the pretext of going to fetch wood. This September, when he had returned to his fellow slaves, said in essence to them: “There are deserters in the veld who must get food”, when the fourth prisoner, Januarij, according to what he says, then went with two of his fellow slaves, by the names of Matthij and Jacob, to that place with the food, and found there three of these deserters, by the names of Fortuijn, Julij and Adonis, and handed over to them the food that they had brought, without having seen the other deserters since they kept themselves hidden somewhere further down. Shortly thereafter, there came into the slave house on the farm Plattecloof the slave jongenjongenLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. Baatjoe van Boegies, who also formed part of this gang of murderers and had been shot through his hand during their resistance of the commando, whose wound was bandaged by the third prisoner, September, after he had first purified it in the Bugis fashion, and was then put up that night by the aforementioned September above the baking oven to sleep in the bed of the slave Jacob.
That of the whole gang there were still alive eleven scoundrels, who afterwards, when they again got to the other runaways on Table Mountain, after staying there for two nights, departed from there to the Cape dunes, where they asked for and received food from certain slave jongensjongensLiterally ‘boy.’ In Dutch it was common to use this word also to refer to male servants, irrespective of age. At the Cape, however, this usage was extended to slaves and then became exclusive, so that jongen (also in the deflected form jong) came to mean ‘male slave’, such that Afrikaans lost the use of the word to mean ‘boy’ and instead uses seun (from Dutch zoon) for both ‘boy’ and ‘son.’ In this primary meaning, the word has become obsolete in modern Afrikaans, except for the archaic terms tuinjong (‘garden boy’) and plaasjong (‘farm boy’), in the sense of male workers of colour. who were busy in a corral gauging wood.4 As soon as the gang had departed, one of these slaves went to the Cape and told of the route they had taken, which enabled a commando to be sent out again for these murderers, which reached them in the dunes around the so-called Swarte Klip5 and attacked them, and although they did not hesitate to violently resist this commando again, seven of them, by the names of Fortuijn, belonging to the farmer Cornelis Verweij, Patientie of the burgher Willem Engels, April of the fellow burgher Jan Smid, Cupido of the aforementioned Smuts, Julij of the soldier Bergman, Adonis of the widow Rotenburg and Christiaan of the honourable Company, were shot dead, or otherwise lost their lives, while the remaining four, named April van Bima of Adam Ceijse, September van Balij of Hendrik Ridder, Baatjoe of Jan Smid and Januarij of Abraham Craaijwinkel, were taken prisoner wounded, but since with the first two of these latter ones there was periculum in mora6 on account of their heavy wounds, they received their well-deserved punishment on the spot; while the corpses of the killed, as also that of Baatjoe van Boegies who suddenly died of an illness which came over him, were executed as a spectacle to other malefactors and also considering the situation; so that of this whole gang of murderers only the second prisoner, Januarij van Boegies, remained alive.
That the third prisoner, September van Boegies, who was assigned as a shepherd of his mistress on her aforesaid farm situated at Plattecloof, and who was the first to have met the aforesaid gang of deserters and murderers in the veld, not only informed his fellow slaves, by the names of Januarij van Maccasser, Matthijs van Mallebaar, Adam van Sambouwa, Jacob van Madagascar, Manus van Mandhaar, Isaac van Boegies and Gedult van de Caab, or the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth prisoners, of this, but moreover also ensured, both for a considerable time and even after the cruel murders of the late boekhouderboekhouderThe administrative or civil sector of the VOC was divided into six categories of rank, with the governor-general at the head of the first one. Most of the titles used for these ranks were derived from the merchant origins of the VOC, but in practice a rank did not equate with a person’s function. A boekhouder (literally ‘bookkeeper’) was a rank in the fifth category, just above that of ‘assistant’, and below that of an onderkoopman (‘junior merchant’). Michiel Smuts, his wife and child were perpetrated, that they were provided with food by him and his aforementioned fellow slaves, as well as two slaves of the burgher Jan le Roex junior, named Februarij and November, or the eleventh and twelfth prisoners, who had been requested and persuaded to do so by the third and fourth prisoners, September and Januarij, which food they stole in all kinds of ways from their mistress and master, so that the aforesaid could hand it over to that gang.
That instead of maintaining this gang, the last-named ten prisoners were far from informing on them to the appropriate place, in accordance with their duty, in which case they could have been discovered and captured in time and thus all of the further trouble could have been prevented. That they not only often allowed some of this aforementioned gang and on one occasion all of them, every one of which was armed with various weapons, at night and other unseasonable hours into the slave house on the farm of the widow Heuning, but in addition to this, when the third and fourth prisoners, September and Januarij, were informed by two of this gang that they were of the intention to plunder the garden-plot of the aforementioned Smuts, De Windmoolen, and the farm of Claas Jonasz in order to obtain guns, lead and powder; they all agreed – but as regards most of the aforementioned slaves of the widow Heuning, principally through the doing and on the suggestion of the said September – in that slave house with this gang of deserters that as soon as the warm season comes, or as some of the prisoners say: when the barley would have ripened, they would all run away with the aforementioned gang of deserters and murderers on a long journey to the land of the Caffers. Next, the aforementioned September and Januarij likewise suggested this to the eleventh and twelfth prisoners, Februarij and November of Jan le Roex, and the said September also the thirteenth prisoner, named Cupido van Bengalen, belonging to the burgher councillor, Sieur Jan Meijdertsz Cruijwagen, to which the said Cupido – in spite of the fact that in the year 1738 he was already sentenced by this honourable Council of Justice for a similar crime and was scourged at the place of justice here7 – as well as the aforementioned prisoners, willingly agreed, with only the seventh and tenth prisoners trying to excuse themselves from it by profanely pretending that they were forced to it by the threats of September and Januarij; so that the twelve last prisoners were all of the intention to undertake this journey, for which journey the said September took it upon him to ensure that by that time there would not only be more slaves of his nation to go along thither, but also that they would then take along all such gunpowder as might be found on the farm of his mistress, the widow Heuning. However, the prisoners do not want to admit that they intended violence in case they were unable to obtain this [powder] secretly, but the third prisoner, September, did confess that he had asked the cook on the farm of his mistress, by the name of Slammat, for gunpowder, without however getting any.
And since he, September, acted as a doctor amongst the slaves of the Bugis nation in this country, and moreover would provide any slave of this nation, who had come to him to request this, with letters written in the Bugis language which would serve to that end [i.e. of healing], it would therefore have been very easy for him, under this pretext, to incite a good number of his people to increase his gang, and moreover, through committing all kinds of cruelties later, to have made their way towards the fulfilment of their mutually planned dangerous and depraved designs, had it not been discovered in time and fortunately prevented through proper means, and the prisoners got into the hands of justice.
All of which are atrocious deeds through which the general peace of these lands are greatly disturbed, and the good inhabitants are put in a state of fear and anxiety, consequently it cannot be left unpunished, but should, on the contrary, be punished most rigorously as an example and deterrent to other scoundrels and malefactors.
Thus it is, that the honourable Council of Justice of this government, serving today, having seen and read with attention the written crimineelen eijsch ende conclusiecrimineelen eijsch ende conclusieLiterally ‘criminal demand and conclusion.’ The document drawn up by the prosecutor based on the evidence he collected and delivered in court against an accused. The conclusie is the final part of the document in which the prosecutor suggested an appropriate punishment for the crime., drawn up and delivered for and against the prisoners by the honourable independent fiscal, Pieter Reede van Oudshoorn, in his official capacity, further having noted everything that served the case and could have moved their honours, practising justice in the name and on behalf of the high and mighty States General of the United Netherlands, having judged all the prisoners, is sentencing them with this: to be taken to the place where criminal sentences are usually executed here, and there to be handed over to the executioner, the first prisoner, Achilles van de West Cust, to be tied to a cross and to be pinched with red-hot pincers on eight different places, then to be broken alive from the bottom up without the coup de grâce; further the second, third and fourth prisoners, each also to be tied onto a cross, the second and third prisoners, Januarij and September van Boegies, to be broken alive from the bottom up without, and the fourth prisoner, Januarij van Macasser, with the coup de grâce, as well as to remain lying on these crosses until they have given up the ghost; further the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh and twelfth prisoners, Isaac van Boegies, Adam van Sambouwa, Manus van Mandhaar, Matthijs van Mallebaar, Jacob van Madagascar, Gedult van de Caab, Februarij van Boegies and November van Boegies, to be punished with the rope on the gallows in such a fashion that death will follow; thereafter the dead bodies of all the prisoners to be dragged to the outer place of execution, those of the first four prisoners to be put up on the wheels, and the bodies of the eight other prisoners again to be hanged on the gallows, to remain thus as prey for the air and birds of heaven.
Further, the thirteenth prisoner, Cupido van Bengalen, to stand exposed under the gallows with the rope around his neck, and then to be severely scourged with rods on his bare back, as also thereupon to be branded and thereafter to be riveted in chains for a period of ten consecutive years and sent back home to his owner; with sentencing all of the prisoners to the costs and expenditure of justice; the Council denying the otherwise drawn up eijscheijschLiterally ‘claim’ or ‘demand.’ This is strictly speaking the eijsch ende conclusie without the final part about sentencing, but the term is often used as a shorthand for the whole document. of the honourable Officer as regards the last prisoner.
Thus done and sentenced in the Castle of Good Hope on 4 September 1760, as also pronounced and executed on the 6th thereupon.8
Let the execution be done, [signed] R. Tulbagh.
[signed] J. Meinertzhagen, R.S. Allemann, Cl. Brand, D. d’Aillij, Jn. Fr. Tiemmendorf, Pieter Coningh, P. Hacker, H.L. Bletterman, Jn. Haszingh, J.M. Cruijwagen.
In my presence, [signed] C.L. Neethling, secretary.
Footnotes
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An alternative name for Devil’s Peak, much used in the eighteenth century. ↩
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In his interrogation, Achilles revealed that he had run away from Smuts after being beaten for failing to sell his owner’s vegetables, CJ 373, f. 75, article 7. ↩
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See 1751 Januarij van Boegies, n. 7. ↩
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i.e. chopping or working it into lengths of a roede. ↩
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In present-day Mitchell’s Plain. ↩
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This is a technical legal phrase meaning ‘there is danger in delay’ or, more succinctly, ‘delaying is dangerous’. The summary execution of some of the wounded slaves by the commando was doubtless in revenge for the Smuts family murders. ↩
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The sententie for this case is preserved in CJ 786, document 30. ↩
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These sentences were recorded in the regtsrollen, CJ 42, ff. 81-7. After the eijscheijschLiterally ‘claim’ or ‘demand.’ This is strictly speaking the eijsch ende conclusie without the final part about sentencing, but the term is often used as a shorthand for the whole document. was read out to them, some of the accused stated that they did not deserve the death sentence. Januarij van Boegies stated that he had escaped and had been with the ‘complot moordernaaren’ (gang of murderers) but that he had committed no murder himself, while Gedult van de Caab stated that he had been forced to commit murder by Januarij van Maccasser and that he had wanted to warn his mistress, but out of fear had not dared to say anything, a claim which Januarij earnestly denied, CJ 42, ff. 81-2. ↩
Nademaal Achilles van de West Cust, oud naar gissing 36 jaaren, slaaf van wijlen den boekhouder Michiel Smuts, Januarij van Boegies, oud 40, lijfeijgen van den burger Abraham Kraaijwinkel, September van Boegies, oud 50, Januarij van Maccasser, oud 33, Isaac van Boegies, oud 44, Adam van Sambouwa, oud 40, Manus van Mandhaar, oud 40, Matthijs van Mallebaar, oud 30, Jacob van Madagascar, oud 45, en Gedult van de Caab, oud 17 jaaren, alle agt slaven van de weeduwe wijlen den burger Adriaan Heuning, mitsgaders Februarij van Boegies, oud 30, November van Boegies, oud 25 jaaren, beijde lijfeijgen van den burger Jan le Roux de jonge, en Cupido van Bengalen, slaaf van den burgerraad sieur Jan Meijndertsz Cruijwagen, oud naar gissing 40 jaaren, alle thans ’s heeren gevangens, buijten pijn of dwang van banden, van ijsers, dan wel de minste bedreijging van dien, vrijwillig hebben beleeden, ende ’t den edelagtbaaren Raad van Justitie deeses gouvernements ook evidentelijk is gebleeken:
Dat seedert eenigen tijd herwaards, soo van den ingeseteenen deeser plaatse, als dien ten platten lande, sommige hunner lijfeijgenen opgedrost, en de eenen vroeger, de andere laater, tot het getal van vijfthien stux aan het Tafelgebergte bij den anderen gekoomen sijnde, dat complot vervolgens, soo dra derselver schuijlhoek bekend geworden was, door eenige burgers in een hol van den Windberg was geattacqueert, en alle moeijte aangewend geworden om deselve te bemagtigen en gevangen te neemen, sonder dat hetselve toenmaals, vermits derselven geweldige resistentie, soo door ’t schieten met een pistool, als het neederwerpen van swaare klippen op de voorseijde burgers, doenelijk was geweest, en dat complot drossende slaven oversulx, nadat een hunner, in naame Cardoes, toebehoorende den soldaat Hendrik Thomas, door gemelde burgers doodgeschooten geworden was, het met der vlugt ontkoomen weesende, sig voorts naar agter het Tafelgebergte in een ander hol geretireert had; vanwaar een dier fielten, in naame Jacob van Boegies, lijfeijgen van den burger Jan Smid, hem had begeeven naar de plaats van den burgercornet Jacob van Rheenen, om ter hunner subsistentie uijt de kraal schaapen te steelen, als wanneer op denselven, bij ’t te werk stellen sijner voorgenoomen diefte, was geschooten en soodanig gequest [sic] geworden, dat kort daarop aan ’t gebergte aan de ontfangene wonden overleeden sijnde, dat complot toen nog derthien stux gebleeven was.
Dat onder dat complot meede gesorteerd hebbende een slave jongen van den landbouwer Cornelis Verweij, in naame Fortuijn van Boegies, die gemelde sijn lijfheer, voor nu ruijm een jaar voorleeden, gevaarlijk gequetst hebbende, het alsdoen met der vlugt ontkoomen en seedert door dit complot. als hun capitain aangestelt geworden was, gemelde Fortuijn, aan sijn complot fielten voorgestelt had de noodsaakelijkheijd om geweer te soeken en magtig te worden; den, onder dien troup sig meede bevindende, slave jongen van wijlen den boekhouder Michiel Smuts, in naame Cupido van Bougies, daarop aan de hand had gegeeven om, ten eijnde dat te bekoomen, sijn gemelde, in desselfs thuijn woonenden, lijfheer te gaan vermoorden; welke propositie door het geheele complot goedgekeurt sijnde, hetselve sig op den 14e der jongst gepasseerde maand Julij, teegens den avond, uijt hun hol begeeven en de cours naar voormelde thuijn genoomen hebbende, de klocke wel seeven uuren, in eene niet verre van dien thuijn afleggende sloot gearriveert was, alwaar hun eenigen tijd verborgen gehouden hadden, middelerwijl dat voormelde Cupido van Boegies hem naar de thuijn van sijn voormelde leijfheer vervoegt en, niet lang daarna terug keerende, tot bij de craal, werwaarts het geheele complot intusschen in den donkeren was genadert, met hem meede gebragt had een ander slave jongen, in naame Achilles, sijnde den eerste gevangen, met wien alsdoen het gemelde complot afgesprooken had om voormelde Smuts te vermoorden; invoegen den eersten gevangen, niet alleen in dien moord toegestemd, en nog substantieelijk daarbij gevoeg had: Ja! Ik heb mijn baas al lang willen dood maaken, en nu sal hij sterven!, maar ook vooraf naar ’t woonhuijs terug gekeerd sijnde, alles in ’t werk had gesteld, wat tot het faciliteeren van dien moord strecken konde; aangesien denselven niet slegts een oude slaven jongen, in naame Baatjoe van Balij, die op dat moment, wanneer hij eerste gevangen in de combuijs quam, buijten gaan wilde om sijn meesters paard voeder te geeven, onder ’t seggen: Gij moet niet buijten gaan, want daar is soo veel volk buijten!, daarin weederhouden, maar ook opstonds de, in de combuijs brandende, lamp uijtgebluscht had; invoegen de, inmiddens tot voor de combuijs deur genadert sijnde slave jongens, Cupido van Boegies met sijne mackers bovengemelde Fortuijn van Boegies en eenen Baloc, dewelke meergemelde Cupido eeven als gevleugelt hadden vastgehouden, de klokke omtrent agt uuren, door de donkere combuijs heen tot in ’t voorhuijs gegaan waaren, alwaar die drie fielten niet alleen dikwels gemelde Smuts, die aldaar gerust had sitten schreijven, mitsgaders desselfs, naas hem op een stoel geseeten hebbende, huijsvrouw, maar ook een kleijn soontje, ’twelk op een daar digtbij staande stoel te slaapen leggende, onder ’t gruwelijk vermoorden van desselfs vader en moeder ontwaakt was en te schreeuwen begonnen had, op de afschuwelijkste wijse om ’t leeven gebragt, vervolgens van hun complot, door het welk geduurende het volbrengen dier wreede moorden van buijten het huijs was beset gehouden, nog twee, in naame Julij en Adonis, daar binnen geroepen, het huijs gespolieert en, behalven drie snaphaanen, kruijt en loot, ook kleederen, en uijt een kabinet, linnen, silvere leepels, mitsgaders eenig ander silvergoed en wes meer, gerooft hadden; met alle welke goederen het geheele complot moordenaars, onder dewelke den tweeden gevangen Januarij, die voor nu omtrent een jaar voorleeden, naar maar een korten tijd hier te lande geweest te sijn, van sijn voorseijde lijfheer is gaan opdrossen, meede sorteerde, opstonds daarop vanuijt het huijs en thuijn geretireert weesende, sig sonder naar ’t gebergte terug te keeren, begeeven had naar de Blaauwebergsduijnen, alwaar sijlieden hun eenigen dagen verschoolen gehouden en geërneert hadden, soo met mosselen, die deselve aan strand quaamen te soeken, als met eenige schaapen, die sommige dier moordenaaren uijt Jan Biesjeskraal hadden gestoolen, mitsgaders met soodanige kost als sijlieden eens aan de Plattecloof van eenige slaven van de weeduwe Heuning waaren gaan haalen; welke slaven dat complot reets seedert een geruijmen tijd bevoorens van kost en tabak hadden voorsien, en door sommige hunner, gewoonlijk ’s Vrijdaags, van omtrent de Plattecloof, uijt de aldaar staande bosjes, afgehaald geworden was.
Dat het complot moordenaren, weijnige dagen daarna, aldaar ontdekt en door derwaards gesondene, soo ’s edele Compagnies militairen, als burgeren, in een groote duijn of bos soo veel doenelijk beset geworden sijnde, hetselve sig teegens voorseijde commando niet alleen hadden te weer gesteld, maar ook een der grenadiers dood geschooten; dog dat insgelijx twee dier fielten, genaamt Baloc van den burger Jochem Daniel Hubenaar en Jamil, toebehoorende de weeduwe Dorse, door ’t commando waaren dood geschooten geworden, terwijl de overige elf, ’s nagts in den donkeren, hun kans waarneemende, het voor alsdoen met de vlugt ontkoomen waaren, hun ’s volgenden avonds begeeven hebbende tot digt bij de plaats van de weeduwe Heuning, aldaar gesprooken hadden met den derde gevangen September, die, vermits een oude jongen is, door de verdere slaven van de weeduwe Heuning “Vader” genoemd, en als soodanig gehouden wordende, onder praetext, om hout te gaan haalen, uijtgegaan was; welke eevengemelde September, wanneer bij sijn meede slaaven terug was gekoomen, tot deselve substantieelijk gesegt had: Daar sijn de drossers op ’t veld, die moeten kost hebben; sulx den vierden gevangen Januarij, soo als hij segt, hem daarop, beneevens twee sijner meede slaven, in naame Matthijs en Jacob, met kost derwaards begeeven, op ’t land drie dier drossers, in naame Fortuijn, Julij en Adonis aangetroffen, en de meede genoomene kost aan deselve overhandigt had, sonder de verdere drossers te hebben gesien, ter saake deselve hen elders verder af souden verborgen gehouden hebben; sijnde kort daarop in ’t slaven huijs op de plaats De Plattecloof binnen gekoomen, den onder dat complot moordenaaren meede gesorteerd hebbende slave jongen Baatjoe van Boegies, denwelken in de gedaane resistentie teegens het commando door sijn hand geschooten weesende, desselfs quetsuur door den derden gevangen September, naar deselve alvoorens op de Boegineese wijse gesuijvert te hebben, was verbonden en voorts dien nagt, door eevengemelde September, boven de backoven, om op de kooij van den slaaf Jacob te slaapen, geborgen geworden.
Dat de van de geheele complot nog in leeven geweest sijnde elf fielten, vervolgens weederom aan het Tafelgebergte bij den anderen gekoomen weesende, deselve naar twee nagten aldaar vertoeft te hebben, vandaar vertrocken sijn naar de Caabse duijnen, alwaar sijlieden van seekere in eene kraal, om hout te roeijen, sig bevindende slave jongens, kost gevraagt en bekoomen hebbende, een dier slaven soo ras dat complot vertrocken was, sig Caabwaarts en van derselver genoomene route kennis gegeeven had, waardoor het opnieuws op die moordenaaren uijtgesondene commando in staat was gestelt geworden, deselve in de duijnen, omtrent de soogenoemde Swarte Klip, te agterhaalen en te attacqueeren, dog dat dewijl niet geschroomd hadden, opnieuws gewelddadige resistentie teegens dat commando te pleegen, seeven, in naame Fortuijn, toebehoord hebbende den landbouwer Cornelis Verweij, Patientie van den burger Willem Engels, April van de meede burger Jan Smid, Cupido van bovengemelde Smuts, Julij van den soldaat Bergman, Adonis van de weeduwe Rotenburg, en Christiaan van d’ edele Compagnie, daarvan soo dood geschooten, als andersins om ’t leeven geraakt, en de overige vier, genaamt April van Bima van Adam Ceijse [sic], September van Balij van Hendrik Ridder, Baatjoe van Jan Smid, en Januarij van Abraham Craaijwinkel, gequetst gevangen genoomen geworden waaren; van welke laatste, de twee eerstgemelde, vermits om derselver swaare wonden periculum in mora was, illico hunne welverdiende straffe hebben ontfangen, en de lijken der gedoode, soo wel als den, seedert door eene hem schielijk overgekoomene siekte, overleedene Baatjoe van Boegies, ten spectacul van andere boosdoenders, ook naar omstandigheijd van saaken sijn geëxecuteerd geworden; invoegen van dat geheele complot moordenaaren alleenlijk den tweeden gevangen Januarij van Boegies is koomen in ’t leeven te blijven.
Dat den derden gevangen September van Boegies, die als schaapewagter sijner lijfvrouw op haar voorseijde plaats, aan de Plattecloof bescheijden geleegen,1 en met het voorseijde complot drossers en moordenaaren in ’t veld de eerste kennisse gekreegen hebbende, niet alleen sijne meede slaaven, in naame Januarij van Maccasser, Matthijs van Mallebaar, Adam van Sambouwa, Jacob van Madagascar. Manus van Mandhaar, Isaac van Boegies, en Gedult van de Caab, ofte den 4e, 5e, 6e, 7e, 8e, 9e en 10e gevangens, daarvan kennis gegeeven, maar bovensdien besorgt had, dat het voorseijde complot drossers, soowel een geruijmen tijd voor, als ook naar, ’t volbrengen der wreede moorden aan wijlen den boekhouder Michiel Smuts, desselfs huijsvrouw en kind, door hem en bovengemelde sijne meede slaven, mitsgaders twee slaven van den burger Jan le Roex [sic] de jonge, genaamd Februarij en November, ofte de 11e en 12e gevangens, dewelke den 3e en 4e gevangens September en Januarij daartoe hadden versogt en overgehaald, van kost voorsien geworden sijnde, zijlieden deselve op alderhande wijse van hunne lijfvrouw en lijfheer ontstoolen, en, invoegen voorseijde, aan dat complot ter hand gestelt hadden.
Dat de 10 laatstgemelde gevangens wel verre, om, in steede van dat complot te onderhouden, volgens hun pligt ter behoorlijke plaatse daarvan kennis te geeven, als wanneer het selve vroegtijdig had kunnen agterhaald, gevangen genoomen, en dus alle het verdere quaad verhindert werden, niet alleen van meergemelde complot, dikwils sommige, en eens in sijn geheel, alle voorsien met diverse wapenen, bij nagt en onteijden in ’t slavenhuijs op de plaats van de weeduwe Heuning hadden laaten koomen; maar, boven en behalven, dat den derden en vierden gevangens September en Januarij, door twee van dat complot waaren verwittigt geworden, dat sij, om geweer, kruijd en loot te bekoomen van voorneemens waaren, de thuijn van voormelde Smuts, de Windmoolen, en de plaats van Claas Jonasz te willen afloopen, nog in dat slavenhuijs, voor soo veel de voormelde slaven van de weeduwe Heuning betreft, principalijk door ’t toedoen en voorstelling van voormelde September, aan sijne meede slaven met dat complot drossers afgesprooken hadden om, soo dra de warme tijd aanquam, of soo als sommige der gevangens seggen, wanneer de gars rijp geworden sijn soude, met het meergemelde complot drossers en moordenaaren op een lange reijse naar ’t Caffers land te gaan opdrossen, hebbende meergemelde September en Januarij, vervolgens den 11e en 12e gevangens Februarij en November van Jan le Roex, en eevengemelde September, nog bovensdien den 13e gevangen, genaamt Cupido van Bengalen, toebehoorende den burgerraad, sieur Jan Meijndertsz Cruijwagen, insgelijx daartoe aangesogt, welke eevengemelde Cupido, nietteegenstaande hij in den jaare 1738 over eeven soodanigen misdaad reets bij deesen edelagtbaaren Raad gecondemneert en op de justitie plaats alhier gegeesselt geworden is, egter soowel als de bovengemelde gevangens daarin vrijwillig toegestemd had, soekende eenelijk den 7e en 10e gevangens Jacob van Madagascar en Gedult van de Caab, onder sinisterlijke voorgeevinge dat door September en Januarij door drijgementen daartoe waaren gedwongen geworden, hun daarvan te verschoonen; invoegen de twaalf laatste gevangens alle van voorneemen geweest waaren dien togt te onderneemen, tot denwelken meergemelde September had op hem genoomen, teegens dien tijd te sullen besorgen, niet alleen dat nog meer slaven van sijne natie derwaards quaamen meede te gaan, maar ook dat sijlieden als dan soodanig kruijd als sig op de plaats sijner lijfvrouw de weeduwe Heuning soude moogen bevinden, meede neemen souden; sonder dat den gevangens egter van eenige voorgenoomen geweldpleeging, ingevalle sijlieden sulx niet heijmelijk hadden kunnen magtig worden, den regten ter genoegen weeten willen; hebbende den derden gevangen September egter bekend dat hij aan de kok op de plaats sijner lijfvrouw, in naam Slammat, om kruijd had gevraagt, sonder hetselve bekoomen te hebben. En overmits hij September onder de slaven van de Boegies natie hier te lande als docter geageert, en bovensdien aan alle de slaven dier natie, die hem diesweegens waaren koomen versoeken, briefjes, dewelke tot dat poinct souden dienen, en geschreeven in de Boegineese taal, meede gedeelt had, het denselven oversulx seer gemakkelijk gevallen sijn soude, onder dat praetext, een goed getal sijner natie tot het vermeerderen van sijn complot op te rooijen, mitsgaders hun vervolgens door alderhande wreedheeden te bedreijven, een weg ter volvoeringe hunner onderlinge beraamde gevaarlijke en landbederffelijke desseijnen te baanen, bij aldien deselve niet in tijds ontdekt, door behoorlijke middelen geluckig verijdelt geworden; en de gevangens in handen van justitie waaren koomen te geraaken.
Alle ’twelke sijnde gruwelijke daaden waardoor de algemeene rust deeser landen grootelijx gestoord, en de goede ingeseetenen in angst en vreese gesteld geworden sijnde, dierhalven niet ongestraft kunnen gelaaten, maar daarenteegen, ten spiegel en afschrik van andere fielten en boosewigten [sic], op ’t rigoureuste moeten gepunieerd worden.
Soo is ’t dat den edelagtbaaren Raad van Justitie deeses gouvernements, ten dage dienende, aandagtelijk hebbende geleesen ende geresumeert, den schriftelijken crimineelen eijsch ende conclusie, door den heer Independent Fiscaal, Pieter van Reede van Oudshoorn, nomine officii, op ende jeegens de gevangens gedaan ende genoomen, weijders geleth op alle hetgeene ter materie dienende was en haar edelagtbaarens konde doen moveren, doende regt uijt naame ende van weegens de hoogmoogende Heeren Staaten Generaal der Vereenigde Neederlanden, alle de gevangens hebben gecondemneert, gelijk haar edelagtbaarens deselve condemneeren mits deesen: omme gebragt te worden [sic] ter plaatse alwaar men alhier gewoon is crimineele gewijsdens ter executie te leggen, en aldaar den scherpregter overgeleevert zijnde, den 1e gevangen Achilles van de West Cust op een kruijs gebonden, en op agt diverse plaatsen met gloeijende tangen geneepen sijnde, voorts van onder op, sonder slag van gratie, leevendig geleedebraakt te worden; weijders den 2e, 3e en 4e gevangens ieder meede op een kruijs gebonden weesende, den 2e en 3e gevangens Januarij en September van Boegies van onder op, sonder, en den 4e gevangen Januarij van Macasser, met de slag van gratie, leevendig geleedebraakt te werden, mitsgaders op de kruijssen te blijven leggen, totdat den geest sullen hebben gegeeven; voorts de 5e, 6e, 7e, 8e, 9e, 10e, 11e en 12e gevangens Isaac van Boegies, Adam van Sambouwa, Manus van Mandhaar, Matthijs van Mallebaar, Jacob van Madagascar, Gedult van de Caab, Februarij van Boegies en November van Boegies, soodanig met de koorde aan de galg te werden gestraft, dat er de dood na volgt; vervolgens de doode lichaamen van alle de gevangens naar ’t buijten geregt gesleept, die der vier eerste gevangens op raderen gestelt, en de lichaamen der agt volgende gevangens, weeder aan de galg opgehangen sijnde, dus te verblijven ten prooije van de lugt en vogelen des heemels.
Weijders den 13e gevangen Cupido van Bengalen omme met de strop om den hals onder de galg ten pronk gesteld, en voorts aan een paal gebonden, met roeden op de bloote rugge strengelijk gegeesselt, mitsgaders daarop gebrandmerkt en vervolgens voor den tijd van tien agtereenvolgende jaaren in de ketting geklonken weesende, sijn lijfheer te huijs gesonden te werden; met condemnatie van alle de gevangens in de kosten en misen van justitie, ontseggende den Raad den anders gedaanen eijsch van den heer Officier ten opsigte van den laatsten gevangen.
Aldus gedaan en gesententieert in ’t Casteel de Goede Hoop, den 4e September 1760 mitsgaders gepronuntieert ende g’executeert den 6e daaraanvolgende.
Fiat Executie, [get.] R. Tulbagh.
[get.] J. Meinertzhagen, R.S. Allemann, Cl. Brand, D. d’Aillij, Jn. Fr. Tiemmendorf, Pieter Coningh, P. Hacker, H.L. Bletterman, Jn. Haszingh, J.M. Cruijwagen.
Mij present, [get.] C.L. Neethling, secretaris.
Footnotes
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Sic. This should read something like: ‘op haar voorseijde plaats, aan de Plattecloof geleegen, bescheijden’. ↩